February revolution. February Revolution January Strikes in Petrograd, the rescue of Riga and the suffragette at the White House

Formation of Soviets throughout Russia

Elections to the Council were held in Ivanovo-Voznesenka workers' deputies for factories. At the call of the Bolsheviks, the workers went to the barracks and suggested that the soldiers also elect their deputies to the Soviet. 12 deputies were elected from the soldiers. In Ivanovo-Voznesensk, known for its revolutionary traditions (after all, it was there that the Soviets were born during the revolution of 1905), the Bolsheviks prevailed in the Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies from the very beginning, unlike most other cities, where the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks initially had a majority. ...

Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) reckoning with the resolution on the Provisional Government adopted by the Council of R. and S. D. decided: not to oppose the power of the Provisional Government insofar as its actions correspond to the interests of the proletariat and the broad democratic masses of the people and to declare his decision to wage the most merciless struggle against all attempts of the Provisional Government. Governments to restore, in whatever form, a monarchical form of government.

At general meetings printers and woodworkers, where elections to the St. Petersburg Soviet were held, a resolution was adopted expressing confidence only in the Soviet. The meeting proposed to the Council to closely monitor the activities of the Provisional Government, for which purpose it should form a staff of propagandists and commissioners to explain the current events to the people. If the Provisional Government does not fulfill its promises, call on the workers and soldiers to fight against it.

Afternoon in Moscow there was a rally on Teatralnaya Square, to which some of the demonstrators came with posters "Down with the war." In the Zamoskvoretsky district, at a meeting of workers, soldiers and students, in the presence of 2,000 people, a resolution was adopted, which ended with the words: "Long live the Constituent Assembly, long live the 3rd International, long live the RSDLP."

Trudovik group issued a proclamation, and the Moscow conference of the Socialist Revolutionary Party adopted a resolution - both documents call to support the Provisional Government.

A temporary organizing committee of the Council of Soldiers' Deputies arose in Moscow. The organization of the committee was reported to the military units, which proceeded to the election of soldiers' deputies - one from the company. The committee unanimously decided to work together with the Council of Workers 'Deputies The new commander of the troops of the Moscow Military District, Lieutenant Colonel Gruzinov, after negotiations with the Council of Workers and the Organizing Committee of Soldiers' Deputies, issued an order giving the soldiers the right to elect their representatives to public organizations.

A number of provincial cities joined the revolution. In Sestroretsk, a revolutionary committee of workers and soldiers was formed, which held meetings and organized a people's militia and a food commission. In Yamburg, elections were held for delegates to the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies. In Kineshma (Kostroma Gubernia), a 15,000-strong rally was convened by the Union of Cooperatives. The Council of Workers' Deputies was elected and organized by the Revolutionary Committee. In Rodniki (Kostroma Gubernia), the workers of Krasil'shchikov's factory, numbering 6,000 people, swore allegiance to the new government and expect from it a full constitution, amnesty, universal suffrage, freedom of speech, conscience and assembly. (N. Avdeev. "Revolution of 1917. Chronicle of events")

Dear A.M.!
Now we have received the second government telegrams about the revolution 1 (4) in St. Petersburg. A week of bloody battles between the workers and Milyukov + Guchkov + Kerensky in power !! According to the "old" European template ...
Well! This "first stage of the first (of those generated by the war) revolution" will not be the last, nor only Russian. Of course, we will remain ... against the imperialist massacre led by Shingarev + Kerensky and Co.
All our slogans are the same. In the last issue of Sotsial-Demokrat we spoke directly about the possibility of a government of "Milyukov with Guchkov, if not Milyukov with Kerensky." It turned out and - and: all three together. Awesome! Let's see, somehow the party of people's freedom ... will give the people freedom, bread, peace ... "

Admiral Nepenin to Admiral Rusin

"There is a riot on" Andrei "," Pavle "and" Slava ". Admiral Nebolsin is killed. Baltic Fleet as military force does not exist now. What can I do? Addition. Riot on almost all ships "( N. Starilov. "CHRONICLES OF RED OCTOBER")

Chronicle of revolutionary events in Primorye

The news of the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne arrived in Vladivostok at night with a great delay due to the breakdown of the telegraph. The morning in Vladivostok was unfriendly. Wet snow fell and quickly melted. The lingering beeps of the naval port workshops, the Volunteer Fleet ships, the wagon-assembly workshops and the power station summoned the workers to a meeting. At 8:30 a meeting of workers took place on the square in front of the mechanical workshops. The port captain read the telegram about the tsar's abdication. The workers adopted a resolution in support of revolutionary Petrograd.

At 12 o'clock, intellectuals, commoners, philistines, housewives and students came to the monument to Admiral Gennady Nevelskoy on Svetlanskaya. Lined up in columns with red bows and bandages on the sleeves, workers, sailors and soldiers arrived to the sound of a military band. After the rally, the workers of the naval port workshops and merchant sailors, armed soldiers and sailors, headed towards the prison. "Freedom to the prisoners of tsarism!", "Long live the revolution!" - these exclamations made the jailers in awe. Under the onslaught of the crowd, they were forced to open the gates, and the stream of people rushed to the prison yard. The revolutionary workers broke cell doors and released political prisoners one by one.

The Vladivostok City Duma immediately met for a meeting. The executive body of the Duma was elected - the Committee Public Safety(COB). KOB on behalf of the City Duma adopted the appeal:

“The greatest event in the life of the Russian people has happened. The sun of freedom, truth and justice rises over the redeemed Russia. The government, which had oppressed the people for centuries, has passed into eternity. "

The military governor came to the KOB and reported:

"I am acting in solidarity with the City Duma and awaiting the orders of the Provisional Government."

The District Court and Prosecutor's Supervision stated:

We welcome the Provisional Government and at the dawn of the people's conscience and free prosecutor's office we testify to our full readiness to serve with all our might for the glory and good of our dear Motherland.

Eleanor Prey, the wife of a businessman, an American who lived in Vladivostok, wrote in hot pursuit of events:

The telegram was published yesterday at the end of the day, and Aleutskaya around the editorial office of Dalekoy Okraina was packed with people waiting for the leaflet to be released. I was so tired when I got home that I lay down for a couple of hours without undressing, and while I was sleeping, Ted came in and attached a large sheet of telegram to the mirror.

The mood of the day is conveyed by the poem of the Vladivostok writer N.P. Matveev (Amursky) "To Fighters for the Motherland":

Brothers! Let's build a sublime temple
Forces calling for Freedom.
Eternal memory to the fallen fighters!
Eternal glory to the living! ...
Perished forever, forever gone
Terrible terrible years
And over the vastness of the native land
The sun shines with Freedom ...

Reference:
Matveev Nikolay Petrovich. Hereditary worker, son of a shipyard modeller. He graduated from the Vladivostok Port Personnel School and began working as a foreman in the foundry of the naval port workshops. Subsequently, a professional writer, poet, journalist, publisher, ethnographer, owner of a printing house. During the First Russian Revolution, he was a Social Democrat. In 1906 he was arrested for revolutionary publications, served a year in prison, after being released from active political activities walked away. In March 1919 he emigrated to Japan.

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The town of Gorodok in Podillya (Ukraine) celebrated its 650th anniversary last year. Alas, despite its considerable age and more than turbulent history, no special sights have survived here. For example, only the image of a silver wall on the city's coat of arms reminds of the presence of a once formidable castle.

Kings, kings, emperors, presidents ... We rarely find in history examples of the successful destinies of the mighty of this world. Much more often those in power become victims of intrigues, conspiracies, palace coups, military defeats, revolutions, and they simply fall under the bullets and bombs of the "people's avengers" ... And impostors and doubles follow them like shadows.

The relationship between the Hungarian composer Imre Kalman and his wife Vera Makinskaya can hardly be called a love story. This marriage, rather, served as proof of a simple truth: love is blind. Smart and business-like Kalman adored his young wife until the end of his life. No matter what.

All heat engines, including rocket engines, convert the internal energy of the burned fuel into mechanical energy. In this case, the fuel can have a very diverse shape and parameters. Internal combustion engines (ICEs) do not accept either firewood or coal, give them something liquid or gaseous. But there are very unusual substances.

The first issue of Pravda, the central body of Ros. S.-D. R.P. (Bolsheviks). It contains an appeal to the workers to join the ranks of the party and collect money for the "fund of the workers' press". In the same issue there are reports of the extraordinary growth in St. Petersburg of regional party organizations and cells in factories and subdistricts.

In St. Petersburg there were several meetings of workers in factories and plants. In one of the resolutions (at the factory of the T-va "Skorokhod") it is said that it is necessary to fight for a democratic republic, an 8-hour working day and for the confiscation of appanage, monastic and landlord lands for the peasantry. Another resolution indicates that, in view of the possibility of a threat to the freedoms won both from an internal enemy and from an external one, it is necessary to immediately begin arming the militia and soldiers who have joined the revolutionary proletariat.

At a meeting of the St. Petersburg Council of R. and S. D., questions were discussed about replenishing the Executive Committee, overloaded with work and in need of new forces, and the question of resuming work in factories and plants. The rapporteur on the second issue was made by Chkheidze on behalf of the Executive Committee. The issue sparked a heated debate. After the debate, the Council, by a majority of 1,170 against 30, adopted a resolution on the resumption of work in the Petersburg region in order to stop the work begun again at the first signal. Simultaneously with the resumption of work, the Council calls for the immediate creation and strengthening of workers' organizations of all kinds as strongholds for the further revolutionary struggle for the complete elimination of the old regime and the class ideals of the proletariat. At the same time, the Council recognizes the need to immediately begin working out programs of economic demands, which will be presented on behalf of the working class to entrepreneurs.

And with p about l to m Pet. Sov. R. and S. D. decided to prohibit the publication of all Black Hundred newspapers, for example: "Zemshchiny, Voice of Russia", "Kolokola", "Russian Banner" and others. As for the newspaper Novoye Vremya, in view of the fact that it was published without the prior permission of the Executive Committee, Gvozdev was instructed to close this newspaper, until further notice. The executive committee organized two more commissions: 1) a commission of legislative suggestions consisting of: Bramson, Groman, Pavlovich, Sokolov, Steklov, Sukhanov, Tchaikovsky; it was decided to organize sub-commissions with her to develop a program of economic demands in the interests of the working people; agrarian, workers', etc. 2) commission from other cities, for communication with places. It is her responsibility to send commissars to different cities and regions, especially in those where there are many "black hundreds", sowing ethnic strife.

The St. Petersburg Izvestia published an appeal by the Executive Committee of the Council of S. and R. D. to the soldiers, urging them not to fall for the bait of provocateurs who sow discord between soldiers and officers and who are agents of the old system. According to the order of Time. Right. The police everywhere must be reorganized into the police organized by the public self-governments.

The Chairman of the Provisional Government Lvov made a telegraphic order on the widespread removal of governors and vice-governors from their posts and their replacement temporarily by the chairmen of provincial zemstvo boards, on imposing the duties of county commissioners of the Provisional Government on the chairmen of uyezd zemstvo boards, as well as on replacing the police with militia organized by public local governments:

The Provisional Government decided to create, under the Ministry of Ways of Communication, special bodies to deal with conflicts between workers and the administration.

The Provisional Government decreed that all workers on strike at state-owned factories should receive pay for their days off during the revolutionary movement.

The St. Petersburg Society of Manufacturers and Breeders also decided to pay the striking workers.

The order (No. 114) of the Minister of War Guchkov was published on changing the charter of the internal service in favor of the democratization of the army. The content of this order is as follows: 1) the name "lower rank" is replaced by the name "soldier"; 2) the call to the soldiers on "you" is canceled; 3) the title of commanding persons is replaced by their name by rank, official rank or position; 4) in the abolition of existing restrictions, military ranks are allowed to participate as members in various unions and societies organized for political purposes, smoke on the streets and in public places, attend clubs and meetings, ride inside trams, etc.

Moscow Council Slave. De p. Adopted a resolution to end the strike, the same as the one in Petersburg. The second meeting of the Moscow Council of S.D. was held, which was attended by about 600 people. It was decided to send representatives to the Council of Rab. Dep., Which is to be renamed the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.

Meetings are held at various Moscow factories and resolutions are adopted. Some of them talk about the need to group around Ros. S.-D. RP (Bolsheviks), who is the spokesman for the broad democratic masses. Workers of the Vtorov and Sov. Slave. Dep. Khamovnichesky district on the question of war and peace spoke in favor of ending the war by developing agitation among the proletariat of the belligerent countries for peace without annexations and indemnities.

In the Moscow cinema "Kino-Ars" a meeting of 2000 soldiers and officers took place. A resolution was adopted: “The meeting considers that between officers, lower ranks, public organizations and the Council of Rab. Dep. there is no discord, but there is a common goal - the protection of the home country. After the meeting, soldiers and officers with an orchestra and music moved along Tverskaya, accompanied by a huge crowd of citizens to the City Duma, where they heard greetings from members of the executive committee of public organizations. From the Duma, to the sounds of the Marseillaise, we moved to the university, and then to the temporary headquarters on Arbat Square. In the circus of Solomonsky, the workers and soldiers, in the number of several thousand people, having discussed the issue of the current situation, decided to welcome the Moscow and Petersburg Soviets of R. and S. D., who with dignity carry the banner of the struggle for the complete emancipation of the working class and peasantry, for the complete liberation of Russia ...

At the Perovo station, in the railway workshops, a meeting of 1,500 people took place. The resolution was adopted by Moscow. Com. Ros.- S.-D. R.P. (Bolsheviks), demanding the implementation of the program of at least Social-Democrats. party and the elimination of war without annexations and indemnities.

A number of provincial cities greeted with glee the news of the coup that had taken place. Emerging Soviets Rab. Dep. send telegraphic greetings to Pet. Sov. R. and S. D.

Revolution of 1917: (chronicle of events). - T. 1. - M .; Pg .: 1923.S. 66 - 68.

1917 IN MOSCOW

V. I. Lenin in Chaux-de-von (Switzerland) read an essay on the theme of the Paris Commune and the prospects for the development of the Russian revolution ("P.R.", 1930, 1 (96), 72-77; "Dates of life" , 185).

No. 1 of the central organ of the Bolsheviks, the newspaper Pravda, was published in Petrograd.

The order of the MK of the Bolsheviks to the workers' deputies was published in No. 1 of Pravda. The order calls on the proletariat to be vigilant in relation to the actions of the bourgeoisie at the head of the government. On the issue of war, the mandate says: fratricidal, the war must end in order for the Russian democratic revolution to serve as a signal for proletarian revolution in the West (Essays, 46).

Meeting of workers of the Vtorov plant. A resolution was adopted demanding an end to the war and the introduction of an eight-hour working day (S.-D. No. 3).

Meeting of workers of the plant of the Military Industrial Partnership. An appeal was adopted to the Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies on the introduction of an eight-hour working day by default in the factories and plants of Moscow (SD No. 1).

A meeting of workers and soldiers (8 thousand people) in the Solomonovsky circus. It was decided to welcome the Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies and to fully submit to his decision on the question of ending the strike (S. -D. No. 1).
Plenum of the Council of Workers' Deputies. LM Khinchuk was elected chairman of the council instead of A. Nikitin, who was entrusted with organizing the police and guarding the city. The question of ending the strike was discussed. It was decided to end the strike and start working out the economic demands that must be made against entrepreneurs on behalf of the working class. It was decided to coordinate this issue with the Petrograd Soviet and, if necessary, resume the strike. The proposal of the Moscow Committee of the Bolsheviks to organize a demonstration of the Moscow proletariat on March 25 (12) with the support of the council's demands for the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, and the establishment of a democratic republic (History of the Proletariat, 1931, 8, 65).

The Council of Soldiers' Deputies began work. The second meeting of the council was held, which was attended by about 600 people. It was decided to send representatives from the soldiers to the Council of Workers' Deputies (Essays, 105; Chron., I, 65).

Commander of the troops of the Moscow military district regiment. Gruzinov, in contrast to the organizing council of soldiers' deputies, convened a joint meeting of officers and soldiers of the garrison. The representatives of the executive committee of public organizations of the pr. D. Shakhovskoy, from the military council at the Moscow committee of public organizations D. Genkin, from the council of workers 'deputies of comrade Obukh and from the council of soldiers' deputies Minyaev. Contrary to the officers 'attempts to introduce the idea of ​​unity between soldiers and officers, the majority adopted a resolution on the need to organize an independent council of soldiers' deputies ("The Way to Oct.", V, 181-182).

The text is reproduced by edition:Akhun M.I. 1917 in Moscow: (Chronicle of the Revolution). - M., 1934.S. 25 - 26.

CHRONICLE OF GREAT DAYS. 1917 IN DONBASS

PETROGRAD. The publication of the newspaper Pravda, the organ of the Central Committee and the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP (b), which had not been published since July 8, 1914, was resumed. The newspaper published the Manifesto of the RSDLP (b) "To all citizens of Russia", a minimum party program. The newspaper called on the workers to join the Bolshevik Party to protect their class interests, to organize a fundraiser for the iron fund of Pravda and the workers' press.

EKATERINOSLAV. The first legal conference of the Yekaterinoslav organization of the RSDLP (b) took place, in which representatives from the Bolshevik organizations and groups of Donbass, numbering over 500 party members, took part. The conference discussed and adopted detailed decisions on the most important issues of the revolution, elected a party committee and a professional section.

LUGANSK. At the call of the Bolsheviks, demonstrations and meetings of many thousands of workers, soldiers and peasants of nearby villages took place, welcoming the victory of the Petrograd proletariat and demanding the creation of a Soviet of Workers' Deputies. But the local bourgeoisie, with the assistance of the Socialist-Revolutionary Menshevik compromisers, hastened to create a "public committee" from among its supporters, which seized control of the elections to the Lugansk Soviet.

BAHMUT. In the People's House, a 2,000-strong meeting of workers, soldiers, peasants took place, the participants of which unanimously decided, following the example of the workers of Petrograd, to form a Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies of Bakhmut and its environs.

NECKLACE. Sh. A. Gruzman, authorized by the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), arrived here from Petrograd.

MAKEEVKA. Under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, demonstrations of workers at the Berestovo-Bogodukhovsky, Grigorievsky, Gorshkovsky, Ignatievsky and Nikolaevsky mines took place. The Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies of the Makeyevsky mountainous region was created. Among the 58 (according to other sources - 90) were the Bolsheviks: A. B. Batov, F. G. Ryabtsev, V. M. Bazhanov, V. S. Garekol, I. E. Zhur, G. K. Kozhemyakin, K. E. Lavrushin, S. D. Kocherov, G. Ya. Silin, I. I. Pasov. In the Berestovo-Bogodukhovsky, Yasinovsky, Burozovsky and other mining Soviets, created somewhat later, the Bolsheviks had the majority of seats.

The text is reproduced by edition: D.A. Pershak Chronicle of great days: The most important events from the history of the struggle for the victory of the Great October Revolution, the establishment and strengthening Soviet power in Donbass (February 1917 - January 1918). - Donetsk, 1977.S. 22 - 23.

1917 IN THE CRIMEA

Cimfero pol l. - A meeting of the vowels of the Duma, together with the governor, was held on the issue of education at Gore. Duma of the City Public Committee composed of representatives of all public institutions of the city.

(Tsentroarchiv, Ya. O. R. Delo of the General Committee; "Southern Ved.", No. 52)

Rallies and meetings were held in military units. At the rallies, resolutions were passed on no confidence in the beginning. garrison to Major General Ekk and General. Radovsky. On behalf of the initiative group of the Council of Rab. Dep. these generals were arrested.

(Istpart: Memoirs of a group of participants in the Revolution of 1917)

("Ved. Yalta. City.", No. 100)

The text is reproduced by edition: Revolution in Crimea (collection of materials for the 10th anniversary October revolution). - No. 1 (7) - Simferopol. 1927.S. 191.

The year will come, Russia is a black year,
When the crown of kings falls;
The rabble will forget their former love,
And the food of many will be death and blood ...

M.Yu. Lermontov

On March 2, 1917, Emperor Nicholas II Alexandrovich Romanov abdicated the throne for himself and for his son Alexei in favor of his younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. On March 3, Mikhail Alexandrovich signed an act of non-acceptance of the throne, thereby confirming the legitimacy of the newly created Provisional Government. The rule of the Romanov dynasty, as well as the monarchy in Russia, was over. The country was plunged into chaos.

For a hundred years in Russian historiography As in the historiography of the Russian diaspora, ambiguous assessments were given to the event that took place on March 2, 1917.

Soviet historians diligently ignored the true circumstances of the last Romanov's abdication, as well as the personalities of the people who took, one might say, direct participation in deciding the fate of the vast country. And this is not surprising. According to the Marxist-Leninist view of the historical process, when one formation replaces another as a result of a revolution, the monarchy must withdraw itself, otherwise it will be swept away in righteous anger by the revolutionary masses. In this situation, it does not matter at all what, where, when and why the debunked monarch signed. His further fate was also hushed up or justified by the interests of the revolution.

Russian foreign historiography of the liberal wing, which shared the views of those who personally slipped the act of abdication to the emperor on March 2, 1917, also believed that the monarchy in Russia was doomed. The departure of the emperor was seen as definitely a positive moment. Since a monarch like Nicholas II could not change anything in the current situation, he only prevented the new "saviors" of Russia from saving her. The physical, all the more violent, elimination of the emperor or dynasty could give the opposition an extra trump card. But the public discrediting (from the rostrum of the State Duma) of a worthless ruler with his subsequent self-denial looked quite decent.

Monarchist emigre historiography, on the contrary, considered the abdication of Nicholas II to be key point when the political Rubicon was crossed between order and anarchy. The monarchists, of course, could not blame the tsar himself (otherwise they would not have been monarchists), and therefore unleashed all their anger on the generals and the liberal community who had betrayed Nicholas II.

The attitude of historiographers of all stripes to the personality and deeds of the last Russian emperor throughout the 20th century also constantly changed from complete rejection and contempt to exaltation, idealization and even canonization. In the 1990s, yesterday's Istpartists in numerous monographs began vying with each other to praise the human qualities of the last Romanov, his devotion to duty, family, and Russia. Atonement for fatal miscalculations and mediocre policies that brought the country to revolution and bloody civil war it was proposed to consider the fact of the martyrdom of Nicholas II and his entire family at the hands of the Bolsheviks.

Thus, in the minds of living people, Nicholas II appears as a kind of meek, intimidated martyr who, during his 23-year reign, committed a number of irreparable mistakes, both in foreign and domestic policy. Then weak, but very good man Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov, incidentally the All-Russian Emperor, did not find the strength to resist the circumstances. As a true martyr, he was basely deceived, betrayed by his own generals and relatives, driven into a trap at the Bottom station, and then went to the slaughter. And all this happened almost on the eve of the victory of Russia and its allies in the First World War.

This touching version continues to be served to the general public, albeit under different sauces, to this day.

But practically none of the historians asked and does not ask the question: did not an ordinary person and the father of a family, but the All-Russian Emperor, God's anointed one, have the right to relinquish his powers, even in such difficult circumstances? Did he have the right to dismiss the responsibility entrusted to him from birth for the fate of one-sixth of the entire Earth?

No matter how painful it is to realize this, Nicholas II renounced Russia much earlier than the Manifesto already prepared for him in Pskov. He renounced, deciding for himself that he could not afford state power. Conscious rejection of radical reforms in domestic politics, from a tough fight against revolutionary terrorism, from dialogue and interaction with that part of society that waited and wished for changes, rejection of the country's national interests and joining world war- all this led to the fact that by 1917 Russia itself renounced Nicholas II, and the entire dynasty.

Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov was neither a bloody tyrant, nor a mad fool, nor a frightened fool. He perfectly understood what people who suddenly imagined themselves to be the “color of the nation” could offer in exchange for the “rotten monarchy”. And although Nicholas II himself could not offer the country anything either, he still had the prerogative to retain the honor of a soldier who had not completely left his post.

By the act of his abdication, the emperor gave up this honor, trying to buy life and freedom for himself and his family, and again lost. He lost not only his own life and the lives of his own children, but also the lives of many millions of Russian people who lost their faith, the Tsar, and the Fatherland at the same time.

How it was

Conspiracy theory

In modern research, near-historical literature. and also in the domestic media more and more often appears the version of the Jewish-Masonic conspiracy against the Romanov dynasty and personally Nicholas II. The purpose of this conspiracy was to weaken Russia as a world player, appropriate its victories and remove from the clan the victorious powers in the First World War.

The initiator of the conspiracy, of course, is some hypothetical “ world government", Acting through representatives of the Entente powers. Duma liberals and oligarchs (Milyukov, Guchkov, Rodzianko, etc.) became theorists and incarnators of the conspiracy, and direct performers- the highest generals (Alekseev, Ruzsky) and even members of the royal family (VKN Nikolai Nikolaevich).

The murder of Grigory Rasputin, a court psychic who is able not only to heal the heir to the crown prince, but also to foresee the future, fits perfectly into this theory. Throughout 1916, Rasputin and the tsarina stubbornly "shuffled" the top government officials, trying to get rid of the traitorous conspirators. At the suggestion of Rasputin, the tsarina repeatedly demanded that the sovereign "disperse the Duma," which was stubbornly discrediting the monarchy.

However, the king, who supposedly "trusted only his wife," did not heed the warnings. He appointed himself Supreme Commander, having offended his uncle, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (who later joined the conspirators), spent all his time at Headquarters, where he felt safe in the company of his adjutant generals. As a result, the generals also betrayed him, lured him into a trap, forced him to sign an act of abdication by threats and blackmail, which legalized the Provisional Government created by Rodzianko.

In fact, everyone knew that the Duma members were preparing a coup d'etat at the turn of 1916-1917. Guchkov and Milyukov discussed their plans almost every day on the sidelines of the Duma. Nicholas II was also well aware of this. Thus, the upcoming "coup" was given a certain operetta character - and no one believed in its seriousness. It must be said that the "conspirators" initially did not plan to eliminate or completely abdicate the emperor, and even more so - to inflict any harm on his family. In the most radical version, only isolation from the state affairs of the queen was supposed. They wanted to send her away - to the Crimea, to treat her upset nerves.

The main mistake of Nicholas II at this stage was his absolute confidence in his personal loyalty to the army and military leadership. The emperor naively believed that as soon as he, as the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, ended the war victoriously, all internal problems would disappear by themselves.

Today, the connections of the chief of staff have been documented Supreme Commander-in-Chief General M.I. Alekseev with the leaders of the Duma "Progressive Bloc" Guchkov, Lvov and Rodzianko. However, as A.I. Denikin, M.I. Alekseev rejected the idea of ​​any coups and political upheavals in the rear during the period of hostilities. He understood that the implementation of even very moderate plans of the liberal opposition will inevitably lead to anarchy, the collapse of the army and, as a result, to defeat in the war.

The commanders-in-chief of the Southwestern and Northern fronts, Generals Brusilov, Ruzsky and a number of other adjutant generals, did not share this opinion, insisting on immediate action until, as it seemed to them, the inevitable victory of the Russian army on all fronts.

If we set aside the theory of the Jewish-Masonic conspiracy, invented, by the way, by the emigre historiography in the 1920s and 1930s, and take a sober look at the current situation in 1916-1917, then we can say with confidence that the “conspiracy” is against there was undoubtedly a monarchy, since there were still sane and decent people in the country. Changes in the country at that time were long overdue, and the war, the problems associated with it in the economy, dissatisfaction with the monarch and his entourage, the threat of revolutionary terror and ministerial leapfrog only contributed to the general political destabilization. Was it a "conspiracy of adjutant generals" who suddenly hated the incompetent commander-in-chief? Or a revolutionary situation, when the monarchist "upper classes" could no longer and did not want anything, the proletarian "lower classes" were not ready, and the liberal opposition wanted something, but could not decide: sturgeon with horseradish or a constitution?

Only one thing can be said with certainty: a way out of the current political impasse was needed, but complete confusion reigned in the minds of the so-called "conspirators" themselves. Some believed that they themselves were quite capable of bringing the war to a victorious end and they did not need a monarchy for this at all, a military dictatorship was enough; others were going to preserve the monarchy as a factor uniting the nation, but to remove Nicholas II and his "advisers"; still others were simply eager for power, having absolutely no idea what they would do when they got it. And “when there is no agreement among the comrades,” the result of their actions is usually very, very unpredictable ...

Trap for the emperor

The beginning of the February events in Petrograd found Nicholas II at Headquarters in Mogilev. He left there on February 22, 1917 at the urgent request of General M.I. Alekseeva. What was that "urgent matter" about which the chief of staff wanted to talk with the Supreme Commander-in-Chief is still unclear to historians to this day.

Supporters of the "conspiracy" claim that Alekseev deliberately lured the sovereign to Mogilev on the eve of the uprising in the capital. Thus, the conspirators' plan to isolate the emperor from the family and force him to abdicate was to be carried out.

But here it is worth noting that even the most persistent request of the general could not have any effect on the still Emperor Nicholas II. And if the sovereign had not gone to Mogilev, all the plans of the conspirators would have collapsed?

In addition, Alekseev, as we remember, until the evening of March 1, was a resolute opponent of any changes in domestic policy until the end of hostilities, and even more so - the abdication of the emperor.

Perhaps Nicholas II himself suspected that something was being started again in the army, and not in Petrograd, or decided, as always, that in the event of unrest, he, as an emperor, was better off with loyal troops than among traitor courtiers.

And then, the emperor did not need to look for a special reason to leave Petrograd. Since the removal of Nikolai Nikolaevich from the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, the emperor spent almost all of his time at Headquarters, leaving only Alexandra Fedorovna "on the farm". His visits to Mogilev were more like escapes from internal problems than were caused by an urgent need.

News of the uprising in the capital reached Headquarters only 2 days after the beginning of the events - on February 25, and even then in a very distorted form.

According to eyewitnesses, for several days Nicholas II dismissed the reports of the riots, considering them another "strike of bakers", to suppress which is a matter of several days.

On February 26, the State Duma ceased its work. The Provisional Committee of the State Duma was elected under the chairmanship of Rodzianko. The representatives of the Provisional Committee understood that if they did nothing, all power in the country would pass to the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies (Petrosovet), which led the uprising.

Rodzianko began to bombard Headquarters with panicked telegrams. They unequivocally spoke of the need for decisive action, namely: the choice of a new government accountable to the State Duma, that is, it turned out that it was already personally to him, A.I. Rodzianko, because the Duma was dissolved.

Nicholas II considered all of Rodzianko's telegrams to be complete nonsense. He did not want to answer them, feeling himself still under the protection of Alekseev. The only thing that interested the sovereign in those days was the fate of the family that remained in Tsarskoe Selo.

General Alekseev was ordered to remove loyal troops from the front and send them to Petrograd. The expedition was led by General N.I. Ivanov. But according to the testimony of Colonel A.A.Mordvinov, who was on the tsarist train, General Alekseev immediately ordered the allocated troops to be concentrated in Tsarskoe Selo and only after that they should be sent to Petrograd. That is, Ivanov's primary task should have been to defend (or capture?) royal family, and the very suppression of riots in Petrograd faded into the background.

On February 27, Nicholas II talked with the Empress by telegraph for several hours, after which he suddenly broke loose in the evening and announced his departure to Tsarskoe.

General Alekseev tried in vain to dissuade him from this trip. Alekseev, like no one else, knew how it could end for the emperor, and for the whole of Russia.

The emperor and his retinue departed in two letter trains. They had to overcome about 950 miles along the route Mogilev - Orsha - Vyazma - Likhoslavl - Tosno - Gatchina - Tsarskoe Selo, but, as subsequent events showed, the trains were not destined to reach their destination. By the morning of March 1, the trains were able to reach through Bologoye only to Malaya Vishera, where they were forced to turn around and go back to Bologoye. By order of the commissar of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma A. A. Bublikov, the emperor's train was stopped at the Dno station (not far from Pskov).

While the emperor was there, Rodzianko actively processed Alekseev and the commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky, assuring that Petrograd is completely under his control.

Alekseev, still apparently doubting the need for a coup d'état, decided to submit to the inevitable.

After this excellent work done by Rodzianko, by the evening of March 1, both letter trains arrived in Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located.

March 1. Pskov.

Arriving in Pskov, the sovereign naively hoped that he had finally come to the territory with solid military power, and they would help him get to Tsarskoe Selo.

But it was not there! There was no talk of moving the train to Tsarskoe Selo at all.

The commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky - one of the supporters of the "most decisive changes" began to ardently argue to the emperor the need for a responsible ministry, that is, to change the existing system to a constitutional monarchy. Nicholas II undertook to object, pointing out that he did not understand the position of a constitutional monarch, since such a monarch reigns, but does not rule. Taking upon himself the supreme power as an autocrat, he simultaneously accepted, as a duty to God, responsibility for the management of state affairs. By agreeing to transfer his rights to others, he deprives himself of the power to control events, without getting rid of responsibility for them. In other words, the transfer of power to a government that will be accountable to parliament will in no way relieve it of responsibility for the actions of that government.

The only thing the emperor was ready to do was to agree to the appointment of Rodzianko as prime minister and to give him the choice of some members of the cabinet.

The negotiations dragged on until late at night and were interrupted several times.

The turning point was the receipt at 22:20 of the draft of the alleged manifesto on the establishment of a responsible government, which was prepared at the Headquarters and sent to Pskov, signed by General Alekseev. According to the draft, Rodzianko was instructed to form a Provisional Government.

Alekseev's telegram was the decisive moment of the action aimed at breaking the will of the emperor. She showed that the chief of staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief and the de facto commander-in-chief of the active army unconditionally supported the solution proposed by Ruzsky.

Obviously, at that moment, Nicholas II realized that he had finally fallen into a trap, and the door slammed shut behind him. In the presence of only Count Fredericks, the Minister of the Court, as a witness, he signed a telegram authorizing the publication of the manifesto proposed by Alekseev.

Later, Nicholas II, in communication with relatives, complained of rudeness and pressure from General Ruzsky. According to the version of the emperor, it was he who forced him to change his moral and religious convictions and agree to concessions that he was not going to make. The story of how Ruzsky, having lost patience, began to impolitely insist on the need for an immediate decision, came from the Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna. It was to her that Nicholas II, after his abdication, told in detail about everything that happened in Pskov.

General A.I.Spiridovich wrote in his memoirs:

That evening, the Tsar was defeated. Ruzsky broke the exhausted, morally distressed Emperor, who in those days did not find serious support around him. The sovereign gave up morally. He succumbed to strength, assertiveness, rudeness, which for one moment came to stamping his feet and to knocking his hand on the table. The Emperor spoke about this rudeness with bitterness later to his August mother and could not forget her even in Tobolsk.

On March 2, at 1 am, a telegram was sent to General Ivanov signed by Nicholas II: “I hope you arrived safely. I ask you not to take any measures before my arrival and report. " At the same time, General Ruzsky ordered to stop the advance of the troops allocated to him to Petrograd, to return them to the front and telegraph to the Headquarters about the withdrawal of the troops sent from the Western Front. Armed suppression of the rebellion in the capital did not take place.

On the night of March 1–2, Ruzsky informed Rodzianko that he had "pushed" the tsar to agree to the formation of a government responsible "to the legislative chambers," and offered to hand him the text of the corresponding tsarist manifesto. In response, Rodzianko said that the situation in Petrograd had changed radically, and that the demand for a responsible ministry had already outlived its usefulness. Renunciation is required.

Ruzsky realized that his work had not yet been completed and that he could not do without assistants, so he immediately telegraphed to Headquarters.

Then Alekseev, on his own initiative, compiled and sent summary the conversation between Ruzsky and Rodzianko to all the commander-in-chief of the fronts: Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich to the Caucasian Front, General Sakharov to the Romanian Front, General Brusilov to the South-Western Front, General Evert to the Western Front. Alekseev asked the commanders-in-chief to urgently prepare and send to the Headquarters their opinion on the abdication of the sovereign.

Alekseev's telegram to the commander-in-chief was formulated in such a way that they had no choice but to speak out for renunciation. It said that if the commanders-in-chief share the view of Alekseev and Rodzianko, then they should "telegraph, very hastily, their loyal request to His Majesty" to abdicate. At the same time, not a word was mentioned about what should be done if they do not share this view.

On the morning of March 2, Ruzsky also received the text of a telegram sent by General Alekseev to the commander-in-chief of the fronts, and read it out to the tsar. It became clear that Alekseev fully supported Rodzianko's position.

Renunciation. Option 1.

The emperor's mood had changed greatly by morning. In this situation, abdication attracted him as a more worthy decision than the position of a constitutional monarch. This way out gave him the opportunity to relieve himself of any responsibility for what had happened, what was happening and the inevitable future of Russia under the rule of people who, as they themselves assured, "enjoy the people's confidence." At lunchtime, walking along the platform, Nicholas II met with Ruzsky and told him that he was inclined to abdicate.

At 14-14: 30, the General Headquarters began to receive replies from the commanders-in-chief of the fronts.

Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (the tsar's uncle) stated that "As a loyal subject, I consider it my duty of oath and the spirit of the oath to kneel down to pray the sovereign to renounce the crown in order to save Russia and the dynasty".

Generals A.E. Evert (Western Front), A.A. Brusilov (Southwestern Front), V.V. Sakharov (Romanian Front), as well as the commander of the Baltic Fleet, Admiral A.I.Nepenin (on his own initiative). The commander of the Black Sea Fleet, Admiral A.V. Kolchak, did not send any response.

Between two and three o'clock in the afternoon, Ruzsky went to the tsar, taking with him the texts of the telegrams of the commanders-in-chief received from Headquarters. Nicholas II read them and asked the generals present to also express their opinion. They all spoke in favor of renunciation.

At about three o'clock the tsar announced his decision in two short telegrams, one of which was addressed to the chairman of the Duma, the other to Alekseev. The abdication was in favor of the heir, the Tsarevich, and the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich was appointed regent.

Undoubtedly, this was a step back from the previous night's concessions, since not a word was said about the transition to a parliamentary system and a government responsible to the Duma. Ruzsky intended to send telegrams immediately, but for the members of the imperial retinue, the abdication came as a complete surprise, and they considered that this step was taken with excessive haste. The Tsar was immediately persuaded to stop the telegrams. Ruzsky had to return the telegram addressed to Rodzianko to the tsar.

At this time, Ruzsky was informed that representatives of the State Duma A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin.

While the representatives of the Duma were driving, the members of the retinue asked what the abdicated monarch was going to do next. How does a citizen Nikolai Romanov generally think about his further existence in Russia? He said that he would go abroad and live there until the end of hostilities, and then return, settle in Crimea and devote himself entirely to raising his son. Some of his interlocutors expressed doubts that he would be allowed to do this, but Nikolai replied that parents are never forbidden to take care of their children. Still, some doubts arose in him, and for the first time he openly turned to his personal doctor S.P. Fedorov about the health of the prince. The king asked him to sincerely answer whether it is possible to heal the heir, to which he received the answer that "miracles do not happen in nature" and that in case of abdication, the heir will most likely have to live with the regent's family. After that, Nikolai decided to abdicate immediately for his son, in order to leave Alexei with him.

Renunciation. Option 2.

Duma representatives arrived on the tsarist train at 21:45. Before their arrival, General Ruzsky received information that "armed trucks" with revolutionary soldiers, sent from Petrograd, were moving towards the tsarist train. According to Colonel A. A. Mordvinov, Shulgin informed him about the strong friction between the State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet: "Something unimaginable is happening in Petrograd, we are entirely in their hands, and we will probably be arrested when we return."

Guchkov told Nicholas II that they had come to report on what had happened in Petrograd and to discuss the measures necessary to save the situation, since it continues to remain formidable: no one planned or prepared the popular movement, it broke out spontaneously and turned into anarchy ... There is a danger of the riots spreading to the troops at the front. The only measure that can save the situation is abdication in favor of the young heir to the crown prince under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail, who will form a new government. This is the only way to save Russia, the dynasty and the monarchy.

After listening to Guchkov, the tsar uttered a phrase that, according to G.M. Katkov, had the effect of an exploding bomb. He said that in the afternoon he made the decision to abdicate in favor of his son. But now, realizing that he cannot agree to be separated from his son, he will deny both himself and his son.

Guchkov said that they should respect the tsar's fatherly feelings and accept his decision. Representatives of the Duma proposed a draft act of abdication, which they brought with them. The Emperor, however, said that he had his own edition, and showed the text, which, on his instructions, had been drawn up at Headquarters. He has already made changes to it regarding the successor; the phrase about the oath of the new emperor was immediately agreed upon and also included in the text.

On March 2 (15), 1917, at 11:40 pm, Nikolai handed over to Guchkov and Shulgin the Act of abdication, which, in particular, read: “We command our brother to govern the affairs of the state in full and indestructible unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions, on the principles that will be established by them, having taken an inviolable oath to this. "

In addition to the Act of Abdication, Nicholas II signed a decree on the dismissal of the previous composition of the Council of Ministers and on the appointment of Prince G.E. Lvov as chairman of the Council of Ministers, an order for the Army and Navy on the appointment of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich as Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

In order not to create the impression that the abdication occurred under pressure from the Duma delegates, it was officially indicated that the abdication took place on March 2 at 3 pm, that is, exactly at the moment when the decision on it was actually made. The time of the decrees of appointment was set as 2:00 pm, so that they would be valid as made by the legitimate emperor before the moment of abdication and to respect the principle of succession of power.

The entire protocol of negotiations between Nicholas II and representatives of the Duma was recorded by the head of the field office, General Naryshkin, under the title "Protocol of abdication."

At the end of the audience, Guchkov got out of the carriage and shouted into the crowd:

“Russian people, bare your heads, cross yourself, pray to God ... For the sake of the salvation of Russia, the Tsar Emperor relinquished his imperial service. Russia is embarking on a new path! "

In the morning Ruzsky came and read his longest conversation on the telephone with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma seems powerless to do anything, since the Social-Democratic Party, represented by the workers' committee, is fighting against it. My renunciation is needed. Ruzsky relayed this conversation to headquarters, and Alekseev to all the commander-in-chief. K 2? h. the answers came from everyone. The bottom line is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army at the front calm, you need to decide on this step. I agreed. The draft of the manifesto was sent from the headquarters. In the evening Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I talked and gave them a signed and revised manifesto. At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of the experience. All around treason, and cowardice, and deceit!

What's next?

The Tsar's train departed from Pskov back to Mogilev shortly after midnight from March 2 to March 3, 1917. The former emperor wanted to say goodbye to the generals and meet with his mother, who came from Kiev especially for this. He was not allowed to go to his family in Tsarskoe Selo.

Before the train departed, Nicholas II gave the palace commandant V.N. Voeikov a telegram for Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich:

"Petrograd. To His Imperial Majesty Michael II. The events of the last days forced me to decide irrevocably to take this extreme step. Forgive me if I upset you and did not manage to warn you. I will remain forever a faithful and devoted brother. I earnestly pray to God to help you and your Motherland. Nicky. "

The telegram was sent from railway station Sirotino (45 km west of Vitebsk) during the day. According to the assurance of the wife of the Grand Duke N. Brasova, Mikhail Alexandrovich never received this telegram.

The renunciation in favor of Mikhail came as an unpleasant surprise, both for the Grand Duke himself and for the revolutionaries. The members of the Provisional Government decided not to publish the manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II yet, and immediately sent their representatives to the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.

According to A.F. Kerensky, he was completely shocked by the decision of his older brother. While Tsarevich Alexei was alive, Michael, who was in a morganatic marriage, had no rights to the throne and was not going to reign.

After a three-hour meeting with members of the Provisional Government, who (except for Milyukov and Guchkov) advised the Grand Duke to renounce the throne, Mikhail Alexandrovich signed the following document:

“A heavy burden has been laid on me by the will of my brother, who handed over to me the Imperial All-Russian Throne in a time of unprecedented war and popular unrest.

Inspired by the common thought with all the people that the good of our Motherland is above all, I made a firm decision in that case to accept the Supreme Power, if such is the will of our great people, who must, through their representatives in the Constituent Assembly, establish a mode of government and new basic laws of the Russian State. Therefore, calling on the blessing of God, I ask all citizens of the Russian State to submit to the Provisional Government, which has arisen on the initiative of the State Duma and endowed with full power, until the Constituent Assembly convened as soon as possible on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret ballot by its decision about the form of government will express the will of the people. 3 / III - 1917 Mikhail.

Petrograd. "

He later wrote in his diary:

“Alekseev came with the latest news from Rodzianko. It turns out that Misha renounced. His manifesto ends with a four-tail for elections after 6 months of the Constituent Assembly. God knows who advised him to sign such disgusting! In Petrograd, the riots have stopped - if only this continues further. "

The next morning, the usual meeting with Alekseev took place at Headquarters. After him, Alekseev conveyed to the Provisional Government the "request" or "wish" of the emperor to be allowed to return to Tsarskoe Selo, wait there for the recovery of the children who fell ill with measles, and then leave the whole family for England through Murmansk.

As you know, the plans of the ex-emperor were not destined to come true. When signing the abdication, Nicholas II did not stipulate any mandatory conditions or guarantees of security for himself and his family. What, in fact, he did not know to negotiate: there were no precedents for the voluntary abdication of the monarch in Russia. And is it a tsarist business to bargain with conspirators, revolutionaries, rioters? ..

The officers in the troops took the tsar's abdication without enthusiasm, but almost everyone kept silent (the single riots of the Preobrazhensky regiment colonel A.P. Kutepov and the “first drafts of Russia” general A.F. Keller do not count).

Almost immediately after the tsar's abdication, the army began to collapse. The fatal blow was dealt to her by "Order No. 1" on the Petrograd garrison, issued by the Petrograd Soviet on March 1, 1917 (that is, even before the abdication). The order instructed to immediately create elected committees of representatives of lower ranks in all military units, divisions and services, as well as on ships. The main point in Order No. 1 was the third point, according to which, in all political speeches, military units were now subordinate not to officers, but to their elected committees and the Soviet. All weapons were transferred under the control of the soldiers' committees. The order introduced equality of rights for the "lower ranks" with other citizens in political, civil and private life, and abolished the titling of officers. Subsequently, with the connivance of the new Minister of War A. Guchkov, this order was extended to the entire army and led to its complete decomposition.

Order No. 1 buried the hopes of the highest Russian generals to bring the war to a victorious end. To achieve its cancellation in May 1917, before the planned offensive on the Western Front, neither the "conspirator" Alekseev, who had already bitten all his elbows, nor his associates in the Provisional Government, Milyukov and Guchkov, succeeded.

“With the fall of the Tsar,” wrote General P.N. Wrangel, - the very idea of ​​power has fallen, all obligations that bind it have disappeared in the concept of the Russian people. At the same time, power and these obligations could not be replaced by anything. "

Version...

Today it is difficult to imagine what would have happened if General Alekseev in those fateful days of March 1917 had opened his very near future even for a moment. What would happen if he suddenly saw how, together with Denikin, Kornilov, Markov, walking or riding in a pitiful cart on the snow-covered Kuban steppe, how the officers of the Kornilov regiment rushed unarmed into " psychic attack"Near Yekaterinodar, how are the remnants of the Russian army under the village of Dmitrovskaya fighting for their life and honor as early as next February, 1918? ...

Perhaps Alekseev, Ruzsky, Milyukov, Guchkov and other "saviors" would have simultaneously abandoned the shaking of the already flimsy building of Russian statehood, stopped on the edge, imbued with loyal feelings for their monarch and really saved the country from the impending catastrophe. Perhaps not.

Unfortunately or fortunately (?), No one can foresee even the very near future. It is no coincidence that various kinds of "prophets" were persecuted and killed at all times.

However, the reign of the last Russian Tsar Nicholas II passed under the sign of the most vulgar mysticism. The royal couple, as you know, did not shy away from either prophets, or soothsayers, or notorious charlatans. The legend is also known about the prophecies of the monk Abel, received by Nicholas and Alexandra Fedorovna in the centenary of the death of Paul I (1901), and the predictions of the English astrologer Kairo (1907), and the prophecy of Seraphim of Sarov, who allegedly accidentally fell into the hands of the emperor, the ominous predictions of Rasputin, etc. .. etc.

If we assume that Nicholas II was the only emperor in history who knew his fate, knew the year of his death and the death of his entire family, then it is this mystical knowledge, and not "weakness" that explains many of the facts of his reign. It is known that several times he tried to turn fate, and especially decisively in March 1905, trying to abdicate and become a monk, but could not. The entire second half of his reign (after March 1905) passed under the sign of fatal prophecies that fell on him from all sides, invisible to anyone (except Alexandra Feodorovna).

All of the above allows you to look at the life and fate of the royal couple more objectively, but does not exclude a new "conspiracy theory".

Playing on the inclinations of Nicholas II (and especially Alexandra Feodorovna) to mysticism, "slipping" predictions, prophecies and the prophets themselves onto them - all this could be a multi-step combination to collapse the country and eliminate the ruling dynasty.

The authorship of this operation, which was too extended in time, but very effective in its results, could belong to British intelligence. Since the end of the 19th century, Great Britain has only dreamed of removing from the political arena Russia, its main rival on the continent and in its eastern dominions.

Mystic Tsar, Job Long-suffering, armed, but rather disarmed by numerous prophecies about his unhappy fate - what could be worse for a country involved in a world slaughter? And his elimination on the eve of victory and the collapse of the state played into the hands not so much of the opponents in the war as of yesterday's allies in the Entente, who rushed under the guise of help to plunder the already torn apart civil strife and bleeding blood.

A. Razumov's version

Currently, among the jingoistic patriots, the version of A. Razumov, supported by some representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church and the historian and publicist N. Starikov, has also gained great popularity, denying the very fact of the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne.

Razumov compared the published text of the Manifesto on abdication and the text of General Alekseev's telegram No. 1865 dated 03/01/1917, addressed to Nicholas II, found a number of coincidences in them and came to the conclusion that all known witnesses of the abdication (Shulgin, Guchkov, Rodzianko, Frederiks and others ) conspired liars. For many years they unanimously lied that on March 2, Nicholas II himself drew up the text of his abdication in favor of his brother Mikhail and voluntarily signed it. The conspirators needed a living and independently abdicated monarch in order to knock the ground out from under the feet of pro-monarchist patriots who were supposedly capable of preventing the rapid collapse of the army and the country.

As a key argument, Starikov cites the complete coincidence of individual fragments of the text, as well as the signature of Nicholas II, put for some reason in pencil.

Meanwhile, there is nothing surprising or sensational in the coincidence of the texts of the telegram and the Manifesto.

Judging by the diaries and letters of Nicholas II that have come down to us, the last emperor was not distinguished by the particular glibness of his pen. It is unlikely that he had the skill of drafting official documents. As you know, during the days of the sovereign's stay in Pskov, more than a dozen different telegrams were drawn up on his behalf at Headquarters, as well as several options for abdication (including in favor of his son). Standard clerical phrases could be used by one of the adjutants or by the same Lukomsky and Basili, who prepared the texts of telegrams and draft versions of the Manifesto of abdication for Nicholas II. The latter, in turn, simply made his own changes to the finished text sent from Headquarters and signed the Manifesto, like a telegram - in pencil.

Of course, for all sorts of conspiracy theorists, the version about the deliberate use of a pencil when signing such an important document looks much more attractive. Say, the unfortunate emperor wanted to show his subjects that violence had been committed against him, and this document cannot be trusted. But the subjects did not understand this or did not want to understand. The last senseless protest of the last emperor could not erase either 23 years of incompetent reign, or return lost opportunities, or correct the fatal mistakes that have already become history.

Elena Shirokova

Sources and Literature:

Spiridovich A.I. Great War and the February Revolution of 1914-1917

Shulgin V.V. Days. 1925.

Multatuli P.V. "The Lord bless my decision ..." - St. Petersburg: Satis, 2002.

He's the same. Nicholas II. The renunciation that did not exist. - M .: AST, Astrel. 2010 .-- 640 p.

Birthday number 8 gives business ability, entrepreneurial spirit, fearlessness in all spheres and areas of life, especially in commerce and industry.

Striving only forward, these people successfully carry out their plans and intentions, fulfill their plans: their will and strong character, their ability not to feel sorry for themselves and others, is reflected. And resistance, obstacles on the way, opponents only whip up, increase their energy and efficiency.

This is the strangest and most difficult number. On the one hand, it can be represented as the sum of 4 + 4, which suggests that the character of his people is doubly characteristic of the qualities of people of number 4. On the other hand, the number 8 has its own properties. For example, it can mean grief, sadness and, at the same time, success, sometimes of global significance. Number 8 people are distinguished by great willpower and pronounced individuality, in communication they are characterized by external coldness and detachment, although, in fact, they are capable of the most ardent feelings.

Lucky day of the week for number 8 is Wednesday

Your planet is Uranus

Advice:

The "eights" have rare administrative abilities, the ability to manage teams, dragging people along. This is especially evident in the field of politics, in the military field, in business world where they can be cruel and merciless. But people with a birth number of 8 judge people, choose friends for themselves according to their wealth, position in society.

Important:

Striving for power, success, sport.

The eight forms a business materialist, strong, with a complex structure of the inner world. From all situations, a person of eight will find a way out, will never fall into a mess, will always seem richer than he really is. His life is fraught with constantly changing situations, forcing him to make unexpected bold decisions.

This number patronizes scientists, innovators and computer scientists, pilots and astronauts, television men, and communications workers. Eight forces a person to move from one level to another many times in his life. Eight people are rapidly moving along the evolutionary ladder, among them there are many Initiates. The social circle of these people changes with every turn of fate.

Love and sex:

If these people enter into an early marriage, their partners will need tremendous endurance, because it is during this period that they are completely captured by work and are eager to achieve their goals. In this case, they can destroy the love relationship. Therefore, later marriages are suitable for them. By that time, everything will be fine for them, and their feelings will become more stable.

In general, if the choice of a partner is made correctly, these people are faithful, loving spouses, although they bring some peculiarities to the marriage. By the way, many of them are ready to sacrifice marriage for the sake of a career at any age.

Birth number for woman

Birth number 8 for a woman Strong-willed, domineering, assertive woman. Deep down, she is very vulnerable and in dire need of love and understanding. Sometimes hides strong feelings and sexuality behind external restraint. She is alien to selfishness in love relationships, although in other cases she can show it to the fullest. She has "one step from love to hate." Unspoken experiences destroy her. Often she herself complicates good relationships and spoils the life of her chosen one. She needs an intellectual partner with the same strong character who is able to counter her ambitions with his own. An equal union and joint obligations will benefit not only them, but also those around them. It is useless to beg for love. Either he loves and achieves his goal, or does not love, allowing himself to be loved, but without claims to the right of property, freedom and will. In a relationship with her, one should not "get into her soul", accuse her of infidelity, look for flaws, persuade her to restrain her emotions. But you can appreciate her passion, sensitivity, as well as practicality and originality.

Birth number for a man

Birth number 8 for a man
An independent, self-confident and self-sufficient man. He has a strong will, honesty, sincerity and perseverance. It can be important, even arrogant, to suppress your partner, or it can be humble and not flaunt your accomplishments. He always needs an incentive to move forward. He does not like to be addicted, but strives for complete control over people.

It can be gentle, reasonable, kind and loving, or it can be tough and even vicious. His negative expressions of emotion can be intimidating. Lucky in business. The need for activity and constant employment can overwhelm close relationships. He will be interested in an intelligent and sensual woman who appreciates him and obeys him in personal relationships.

When courting, he uses either natural charm or sometimes annoying persistence. It is difficult to resist under the pressure of his energy. He himself needs admiration and love, as well as a reward for all his efforts and achievements. He carefully thinks about marriage, paying great attention to the financial reliability of the future family, as he is thrifty himself. In fact, he can be generous and understands that money is a tool for making dreams and plans come true. A mistake in choosing a spouse will cost him more than anyone else. Since he is constantly busy with business, he will not mind the spouse taking on household chores and making him comfortable at home.

Birth number 5

People born on this day are mercantile: the acquisition and possession of money and business is the main goal of their life. They are agile, have tremendous business ability, and their monetary affairs flourish: for a short time they collect large sums. Smart and resourceful. They think quickly and make decisions, are purposeful. For love of funds and impatience in purchasing, they can break the law.

It's easy to get along with them: they are consistent in speech, born diplomats. They quickly recover from the most difficult blows of fate, if it does not affect what they consider wealth. Intelligence, dexterity, tact, decisiveness, speed in the implementation of plans.

A strange feature of their life is that even their sexual desires and needs are colored by a love of money.
Unfortunately, despite their intelligence, they repeat their own mistakes. They are incorrigible players. These are extremely excitable people, they can lose their sense of proportion and fail.

They are not able to lead a beggarly life, they will go to any extremes in order to acquire wealth. Often victims of the law. They have a very shrewd mind, it is pleasant to deal with them if they are reasonable in their mercantile views.
They may have joint problems or mental distress.

Pythagoras square or psychomatrix

The qualities listed in the cells of the square can be strong, average, weak or absent, it all depends on the number of digits in the cell.

Deciphering the Pythagorean Square (square cells)

Character, willpower - 3

Energy, charisma - 1

Knowledge, creativity - 1

Health, beauty - 0

Logic, intuition - 1

Diligence, skill - 2

Luck, luck - 2

Sense of Duty - 1

Memory, mind - 1

Deciphering the Pythagorean Square (lines, lines and diagonals of the square)

The higher the value, the more pronounced the quality.

Self-assessment (column "1-2-3") - 5

Making money (column "4-5-6") - 3

Talent potential (column "7-8-9") - 4

Purposefulness (line "1-4-7") - 5

Family (line "2-5-8") - 3

Stability (line "3-6-9") - 4

Spiritual potential (diagonal "1-5-9") - 5

Temperament (diagonal "3-5-7") - 4

Chinese zodiac sign Snake

Every 2 years there is a change of the Elements of the year (fire, earth, metal, water, wood). The Chinese astrological system divides years into active, stormy (Yang) and passive, calm (Yin).

You Snake elements Fire of the year Yin

Birth clock

24 hours correspond to the twelve signs of the Chinese zodiac. The sign of the Chinese horoscope of birth, corresponding to the time of birth, therefore it is very important to know the exact time of birth, it has a strong effect on a person's character. It is argued that according to the birth horoscope, you can accurately find out the features of your character.

The most striking manifestation of the qualities of the hour of birth will take place if the symbol of the hour of birth coincides with the symbol of the year. For example, a person born in the year and hour of the Horse will display the maximum qualities prescribed for this sign.

• Rat - 23:00 - 01:00
• Bull - 1:00 - 3:00
• Tiger - 3:00 - 5:00
• Rabbit - 5:00 - 7:00
• Dragon - 7:00 - 9:00
• Snake - 09:00 - 11:00
• Horse - 11:00 - 13:00
• Goat - 13:00 - 15:00
• Monkey - 15:00 - 17:00
• Rooster - 17:00 - 19:00
• Dog - 19:00 - 21:00
• Pig - 21:00 - 23:00

European zodiac sign Pisces

Dates: 2013-02-19 -2013-03-20

The Four Elements and their Signs are distributed as follows: Fire(Aries, Leo and Sagittarius), Earth(Taurus, Virgo and Capricorn), Air(Gemini, Libra and Aquarius) and Water(Cancer, Scorpio and Pisces). Since the elements help to describe the main traits of a person's character, by including them in our horoscope, they help to form a more complete picture of a particular person.

The features of this element are cold and moisture, metaphysical sensitivity, feeling, perception. There are 3 signs of this quality in the Zodiac - a water trine (triangle): Cancer, Scorpio, Pisces. Trigon of Water is considered to be the trigon of feelings and sensations. Principle: constancy of the internal with external variability. Water is emotions, inner peace, preservation, memory. She is plastic, changeable, secretive. Gives such qualities as uncertainty, dreaminess, imagery of thinking, softness of manifestation. In the body, it slows down the metabolism, manages fluids, the work of the endocrine glands.
People, in whose horoscopes the element of Water is expressed, have a phlegmatic temperament. These people are very sensitive, very receptive and impressionable, thinking, living more internal life than external. People of the trigon of Water are usually contemplative, think about both their own good and the good of their loved ones, however, at times they are indifferent, lethargic, lazy, with the exception of people of the Scorpio sign. The external manifestation of feelings in them is not as pronounced as in the representatives of the trigons of Fire or Air, but their internal feelings are experienced by them with great strength and depth.
People of the trigon of Water have efficiency, practicality, sobriety of thought, objectivity are not a strong point, but they have no imagination, they have a rich and vivid imagination, a great inner and external force, especially in Scorpios.
People of the water trigon, thanks to the richness of their inner world and the sophistication of perception, achieve the greatest success in professions related to the world of the arts, especially they shine as artists and musicians-performers. Water signs can also be excellent workers in the service and food sectors. And Scorpios are also great detectives due to their subtle intuition.
The plans and moods of people of the trigon of Water can change both from external circumstances and from the internal state of the soul. An insignificant detail, sometimes not even tracked by consciousness, can radically change their state of mind, which can lead to a complete loss of interest either in the case or in a partner.
People of the element of Water have great spiritual sophistication, are kind, polite, courteous, very nice and attractive. They are usually not aggressive, with the exception of the Scorpio.
Of the signs of the trigon of Water, Scorpio is the strongest in body and spirit, the most meaningful, the most aggressive, not susceptible to unwanted influences from outside and showing strong resistance to everything with which his soul does not agree. His patience, endurance, tenacity and perseverance are amazing.
The weakest of the zodiac signs of the trigon of Water is Pisces. The middle between hardness and instability is occupied by the third sign of this trigone - Cancer. Although his spiritual sphere is also very receptive and impressionable, he is distinguished by noticeable perseverance, endurance and purposefulness, therefore, of all water signs, it is Cancer who most often achieves success in life.
Feelings in all three signs of the trigon of Water are approximately equally strong and, as a rule, prevail over the mind. These people are always ready to make self-sacrifice for the good of a dear person, as they always experience deep and pure feelings in relation to loved ones and loved ones. If they are not appreciated, they leave their partner forever, which is a real drama of life for them. They are looking for a partner who deserves them. Love and marriage are of paramount importance for them in life, especially for women.
Excessive inclination to daydreaming and fantasy, too vivid imagination can lead to internal contradiction - the collision of their illusions with reality. If a person does not see a way out of this state, depression, dependence on alcohol, drugs, other stimulants, and even mental illness may occur.

Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius and Pisces. The mutable cross is the cross of reason, connection, adaptation, distribution. The main quality is the transformation of the idea. He is always here and now, that is, in the present. It gives mobility, flexibility, adaptability, complaisance, duality. People, in whose horoscopes the Sun, Moon or most of the personal planets are in mutable signs, have diplomatic abilities. They have a flexible mind, subtle intuition. They tend to be very careful, prudent, alert and constantly on the alert, which helps them adapt to any situation. The main thing for them is to own information. When they feel not very competent or informed in any matter, they are great at dodging and dodging everyone and everything, although they are considered the most knowledgeable of the entire zodiac. They are sociable, courteous, talkative, are interesting interlocutors... They easily and skillfully give up positions, admit their mistakes and blunders, agree with their opponents, interlocutors. People of the mutable cross strive for inner harmony, harmony, mediation and cooperation, but are subject to strong inner anxiety and outside influence. Their greatest passion is curiosity, which keeps them on the move. Their views and worldview are rather unstable and depend on the environment. They often lack their own point of view. This partly explains the reasons for their imbalance and inconstancy, changes in their lives. The true goals and plans of these people are difficult to predict, but they almost accurately guess the plans of others. They use every opportunity that can bring them benefit or profit, skillfully manage to get around the blows of fate. People of the mutable cross are natural born realists. To achieve their goal, they use numerous friends, acquaintances, neighbors, relatives, colleagues, even unfamiliar people. Life crises are easily experienced and quickly forgotten. If there is no direct path to a life goal, then they will go roundabout, pondering every step, bypassing all visible sharp corners, bypassing all pitfalls. In what they are helped by their natural cunning and cunning, flattery and deceit, the ability to cheat. Mutable signs will help out from any abnormal, unusual situation, such a situation will not make them nervous, they will only feel their element, in which they can finally act. At the same time, their psyche and nervous system are very unstable. Serious obstacles can quickly knock them out of action, knock them out of a rut and delay the achievement of the goal. In this case, they do not resist, but go with the flow.

Pisces is the last sign of the Zodiac, it is the element of Water in the transformation zone and a sign formed under the vibrations of Neptune. The second ruler of Pisces is Jupiter. In Pisces, the manifestations of the element of Water are expressed in a dual way, at the external level in Pisces Water, and Fire begins to sound at the internal level. If you are born under the sign of Pisces, then, by nature, you are passive, very sensitive, you take all the blows of fate close to your heart.
Sometimes you are very susceptible outside influence, be extremely dependent on someone else's will, on someone else's point of view, on the ideology that is being introduced into your consciousness at the moment. It is very easy to captivate you, you feel the rhythm subtly and clearly, literally on an intuitive level. Therefore, music has a very strong effect on you.

In the lower case, you fall into a trance from music, and in the higher case, on the wave of the musical stream, you fly up to the heights of spirituality and cosmic love, which is largely poured onto us through the musical stream.
You are very soft and sentimental. Situations where you are understood are very important for you in life. As a rule, you suffer greatly from misunderstandings. You are very empathetic and need someone to help you.
understood and, to some extent, guided you. You are very vulnerable, easily become discouraged, but, on the other hand, are capable of self-denial and self-sacrifice. In the case of high development, it is you who can give the latter.

Of your essential qualities, one should note a secret, subconscious, and sometimes an explicit desire for secrecy, for everything mysterious. Therefore you can be an occultist. Astrology is also a secret, occult knowledge, and one should not be surprised that you can come to astrology. You can also be a great actor because you have empathy. In the worst case, you are perhaps the most shameless person of the entire zodiac, since Pisces is, in a sense, the last sign of the zodiac, it is a mirror that reflects the worst and best features all other characters.
At best, you are like a mirror that shows each sign of the zodiac its true face, face, face, muzzle - depending on who has what. In the worst case, you are like a gutter of the entire zodiac, where each sign pours its impurities. But you are very patient and able to take on impurities, thereby cleansing other people, while you yourself are able to quickly cleanse yourself of everything that has been poured on you. In this case, if you are the highest, developed, Pisces. If we talk about the worst manifestations, then this, as already mentioned, is meanness, lack of principle, susceptibility to any influence, lack of criticality in the mind at all. These people are capable of displaying the most vile human qualities. Of course, even the lowest and meanest Pisces will suffer from remorse. But if "the lesson did not go for the future", he will continue his vile deeds. There are many alcoholics and drug addicts among Pisces. The essential quality of Pisces is perception, that is, full disclosure and transmission of the stream of life through oneself. Fish adapt very easily to any environment.

If we turn to the symbolism of the sign of Pisces, we will see, as it were, two fish: a fish swimming upward towards spirituality along the path of evolution, and a fish swimming downward along the path of degradation. They can also be thought of as living fish and dead fish. Accordingly, among the people of this sign, we find a lot of living, and, perhaps, even more dead Pisces. Living Fish is the achievement of our harmony with the Cosmos, with God, this sounding with the Cosmos in unison. Dead Fish is pseudo-harmony, seduction, seduction, fanaticism and chaos. The spectrum of Pisces' manifestations is very wide, from complete conformism and spinelessness to extreme fanaticism, including religious and ideological. Among Pisces there are also terrible killers who cannot be stopped by anything, there are many spies. In a sense, all counterintelligence is under Pisces. At its worst, Pisces reaches the point of sadism and perversion. Pisces' problems are problems of confused thinking. Pisces have a mythological consciousness, they perceive the world intuitively. The strong qualities of Pisces are aestheticism, the ability to see beauty and harmony, which often turns into their weakness. Pisces is very addicted to love. Here we see how strength turns into weakness, dignity becomes a disadvantage. Therefore, as a disadvantage, the need for love makes Pisces very dependent on the people around and close to them, on the family, on the feeling of being in love. Often Pisces have problems with speech, with the manner of expressing their thoughts, so Pisces needs to work out logical structures and the ability to think harmoniously. The karmic task of Pisces is to take on the flow of Cosmic love and Divine grace and bestow this flow on the people around them, share that divine love, compassion, mercy that all Pisces are endowed with from birth.

The Land of Pisces - Judea (Israel), the Philippines and all the island states. Armenia is under the fish. These are ethnoses and nations that take into themselves all influences and sometimes from this mishmash of various influences organize a new system, sometimes an eclectic, inanimate, and at best synthetic and living structure.
The best qualities Pisces is a striving for ideality, spirituality, beauty. There are a lot of musicians among Pisces: Bach, Handel, Rossini, Vivaldi, Rimsky-Korsakov. Pisces were many subtle artists who convey the subtlest curves of the human soul with the help of composition, paint and light: Vrubel, Renoir, Botticelli, Michelangelo. Among our historical and political leaders of our country we find such Pisces - these are Molotov, Zhdanov, Gorbachev. Among scientists - Vernadsky, among poets - Baratynsky.

Famous Pisces: Alferova, F. Aquinsky, Baratynsky, Bulanova, Besson, Babkina, J. Binoche, J. Berkeley, Berdyaev, Bering, Verlaine, Vrubel, Vivaldi, Vernadsky, Garcia Marquez, G. Garrison, Gagarin, Gorin, Gorbachev, Bon Jovi, Zhvanetsky, V. Zaitsev, Kustodiev, F. Curie, Leoncavallo, Luxembourg, Mikhalkov, Michelangelo, Rimsky-Korsakov, Minelli, Nuriev, Norris, Opel, Olesha, Pasolini, Ponarovskaya, Richter, Chris Rea, Ravel, Sotkilava, Sh. Stone, Strizhenova, T. Tereshkova, Bruce Willis, Hubbard, Chopin, Strauss, Shevchenko, Einstein, Jurassic.

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Fish | 13 signs of the zodiac | TV channel TV-3

The site provides concise information about the signs of the zodiac. Detailed information can be found on the respective websites.