Audiobook Uspensky Fedor - History of the Byzantine Empire. Volume I. Fedor Uspensky History of the Byzantine Empire. Age of Troubles Uspensky history of the Byzantine empire read
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I am very sorry that I started late to print the work that I had conceived at least 25 years ago. There is often a doubt whether it will be possible to bring the matter to the end, since I am approaching the limit of my life. In the course of forty years of studying in different departments of Byzantium, I had the opportunity to dwell on many issues, and many departments were processed at different times and for different purposes. But when the time came to summarize what had been prepared so far, the difference in mood and the dissimilarity of the general idea affected in different departments. Does this stem from the conditions of age or from the conditions of a gradual broadening of one's horizons? Unfortunately, I hesitate to answer this question, i.e. I'm afraid to sin against the case. Undoubtedly, 20 years ago I spoke more boldly, made more generalizations and conclusions, was not so careful in sentences: now I often had to soften expressions, smooth out the harshness of thought, redo whole chapters in order to adjust them to a new mood. Is it good for the cause? Again, I can’t speak out positively. There are, however, some details that should be usefully reflected by the fact that the appearance of my work in print is too slow.
Since 1895, living in Constantinople, I had the opportunity to study people whose ancestors created the history of Byzantium, to directly get acquainted with the monuments and delve into the psychology of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, which is largely responsible for the fact that most of the peoples subordinate to the cultural influence of Byzantium are still in such wretched situation. Since the clergy and monasticism have always occupied a leading place in the history of Byzantium, then, of course, the circumstance in which coverage of church affairs is presented is of no small importance. Perhaps, not living so much time among the Greeks and not studying directly the life of the patriarchy, it would have been impossible for me to abandon the theoretical constructions and fictions that we are so abundantly endowed with at school. Meanwhile, a real view of the ecumenical patriarchy, which throws excommunication at the Slavic peoples, violating its phyletic policy, is highly timely for us to establish both for Russian church policy and for our people's self-determination, if only in view of the consideration that that moment is not far off. when, by the political course of things and the successes of Catholic and Protestant propaganda, he will be brought to the position of the Alexandrian or Jerusalem patriarchate, i.e. when it will lose almost the entire Balkan Peninsula and a significant part of the eastern pulpits. Then, only a long stay in the East and the associated travels in Asia Minor, Syria and Palestine could for me clarify the historical fate of the Byzantine Empire, which for its existence is more connected with the East than with the West. I mean not only that both the Constantinople Empire and the Turkish Empire that replaced it owe their main material forces (military men and income) to the East and have always depended on the devotion of the eastern provinces, but also actual traditions and historical facts. None of the Slavic sovereigns could cope with the tempting idea of founding an empire in Europe in the place of the Greco-Byzantine one; None of the European reigns founded in Europe after the IV Crusade - whether led by the Franks or the local Greeks - had a long history and did not attract popular sympathy, while the Nicene Empire preserved and matured the idea of restoring the Byzantine Empire in the XIII v. The history lesson must be strictly tested and weighed by those who are currently awaiting the division of the inheritance after the "dangerously ill" on the Bosphorus.
Since this publication cannot be regarded as a commercial enterprise and is not motivated by any official or career goals, I find it appropriate to explain here that Brockhaus-Efron by its consent to publish the History of the Byzantine Empire in the form in which it appears in front of the public at the present time, has greatly influenced my final decision to start preparing the text for publication, i.e. to decide on an enterprise, to the implementation of which there have always been intractable difficulties.
The book coming into the hands of the reader is not intended to replace the existing old and new stories of Byzantium. This is not an exhaustive exposition of all the events included in the circle of more than a thousand-year-old empire - it therefore concludes not six or seven volumes, but three. Without competing and not trying to replace the published histories of Byzantium, I, however, cherish the cherished idea of giving compatriots an integral system in such an area, which I consider the most important after national history for the national identity of a cultured Russian citizen. For this purpose and in the desire to be publicly available, I did not consider it necessary to give a large scientific apparatus either in footnotes or at the end of chapters. References to manuals and citations of sources were allowed to the extent that it was considered necessary so that the inquisitive reader was not deprived of the opportunity, if desired, to master the material that was at the disposal of the author: sources are indicated where original conclusions are given on the basis of a special study of them; manuals are shown as guidelines for which it is easy to find indications of the literature of the subject. Not to give large footnotes was a condition on the part of the publisher, which I found to be justified. Maybe I cited many passages in Russian translation from documents and literary works of the described time, but it always seemed to me that this best introduces the era and conveys the mood of society.
The author tried to make every effort so that this work, the result of a long, persistent and - may it be allowed to be added - not unsuccessful scientific activity of the Russian professor, was worthy of its purpose and subject. I was born in 1845 and I can finish this last scientific enterprise by the seventy-year period of my life, when it is natural for a person to summarize everything that has been experienced and summarize the results of his activities. It is easy to understand that I wanted to give such reading into the hands of the Russian reader, which, on the one hand, with its severity and seriousness, would give him the idea of a well-thought-out and carefully weighed system, and on the other, would leave a good memory of the author, who, daring to publish into the light of the history of Byzantium compiled by him, obeyed an internal attraction emanating from the conviction that the assertion of knowledge about Byzantium and the clarification of our relations with it is highly necessary for the Russian scientist and no less useful both for education and for guiding the Russian on the right path political and national identity. Let the reader ponder over the contents of the chapters devoted to the South Slavs and look for illustrations there for the sad events that are currently being experienced on the Balkan Peninsula!
F. Assumption Constantinople. October 1912
F.I.Uspensky
History of the Byzantine Empire. Volume I
Period I (up to 527)
Period II (518-610)
Foreword
I am very sorry that I started late to print the work that I had conceived at least 25 years ago. There is often a doubt whether it will be possible to bring the matter to the end, since I am approaching the limit of my life. In the course of forty years of studying in different departments of Byzantium, I had the opportunity to dwell on many issues, and many departments were processed at different times and for different purposes. But when the time came to summarize what had been prepared so far, the difference in mood and the dissimilarity of the general idea affected in different departments. Does this stem from the conditions of age or from the conditions of a gradual broadening of one's horizons? Unfortunately, I hesitate to answer this question, i.e. I'm afraid to sin against the case. Undoubtedly, 20 years ago I spoke more boldly, made more generalizations and conclusions, was not so careful in sentences: now I often had to soften expressions, smooth out the harshness of thought, redo whole chapters in order to adjust them to a new mood. Is it good for the cause? Again, I can’t speak out positively. There are, however, some details that should be usefully reflected by the fact that the appearance of my work in print is too slow.
Since 1895, living in Constantinople, I had the opportunity to study people whose ancestors created the history of Byzantium, to directly get acquainted with the monuments and delve into the psychology of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, which is largely responsible for the fact that most of the peoples subordinate to the cultural influence of Byzantium are still in such wretched situation. Since the clergy and monasticism have always occupied a leading place in the history of Byzantium, then, of course, the circumstance in which coverage of church affairs is presented is of no small importance. Perhaps, not living so much time among the Greeks and not studying directly the life of the patriarchy, it would have been impossible for me to abandon the theoretical constructions and fictions that we are so abundantly endowed with at school. Meanwhile, a real view of the ecumenical patriarchy, which throws excommunication at the Slavic peoples, violating its phyletic policy, is highly timely for us to establish both for Russian church policy and for our people's self-determination, if only in view of the consideration that that moment is not far off. when, by the political course of things and the successes of Catholic and Protestant propaganda, he will be brought to the position of the Alexandrian or Jerusalem patriarchate, i.e. when it will lose almost the entire Balkan Peninsula and a significant part of the eastern pulpits. Then, only a long stay in the East and the associated travels in Asia Minor, Syria and Palestine could for me clarify the historical fate of the Byzantine Empire, which for its existence is more connected with the East than with the West. I mean not only that both the Constantinople Empire and the Turkish Empire that replaced it owe their main material forces (military men and income) to the East and have always depended on the devotion of the eastern provinces, but also actual traditions and historical facts. None of the Slavic sovereigns could cope with the tempting idea of founding an empire in Europe in the place of the Greco-Byzantine one; None of the European reigns founded in Europe after the IV Crusade - whether led by the Franks or the local Greeks - had a long history and did not attract popular sympathy, while the Nicene Empire preserved and matured the idea of restoring the Byzantine Empire in the XIII v. The history lesson must be strictly tested and weighed by those who are currently awaiting the division of the inheritance after the "dangerously ill" on the Bosphorus.
Since this publication cannot be regarded as a commercial enterprise and is not motivated by any official or career goals, I find it appropriate to explain here that Brockhaus-Efron by its consent to publish the History of the Byzantine Empire in the form in which it appears in front of the public at the present time, has greatly influenced my final decision to start preparing the text for publication, i.e. to decide on an enterprise, to the implementation of which there have always been intractable difficulties.
The book coming into the hands of the reader is not intended to replace the existing old and new stories of Byzantium. This is not an exhaustive exposition of all the events included in the circle of more than a thousand-year-old empire - it therefore concludes not six or seven volumes, but three. Without competing and not trying to replace the published histories of Byzantium, I, however, cherish the cherished idea of giving compatriots an integral system in such an area, which I consider the most important after national history for the national identity of a cultured Russian citizen. For this purpose and in the desire to be publicly available, I did not consider it necessary to give a large scientific apparatus either in footnotes or at the end of chapters. References to manuals and citations of sources were allowed to the extent that it was considered necessary so that the inquisitive reader was not deprived of the opportunity, if desired, to master the material that was at the disposal of the author: sources are indicated where original conclusions are given on the basis of a special study of them; manuals are shown as guidelines for which it is easy to find indications of the literature of the subject. Not to give large footnotes was a condition on the part of the publisher, which I found to be justified. Maybe I cited many passages in Russian translation from documents and literary works of the described time, but it always seemed to me that this best introduces the era and conveys the mood of society.
The author tried to make every effort so that this work, the result of a long, persistent and - may it be allowed to be added - not unsuccessful scientific activity of the Russian professor, was worthy of its purpose and subject. I was born in 1845 and I can finish this last scientific enterprise by the seventy-year period of my life, when it is natural for a person to summarize everything that has been experienced and summarize the results of his activities. It is easy to understand that I wanted to give such reading into the hands of the Russian reader, which, on the one hand, with its severity and seriousness, would give him the idea of a well-thought-out and carefully weighed system, and on the other, would leave a good memory of the author, who, daring to publish into the light of the history of Byzantium compiled by him, obeyed an internal attraction emanating from the conviction that the assertion of knowledge about Byzantium and the clarification of our relations with it is highly necessary for the Russian scientist and no less useful both for education and for guiding the Russian on the right path political and national identity. Let the reader ponder over the contents of the chapters devoted to the South Slavs and look for illustrations there for the sad events that are currently being experienced on the Balkan Peninsula!
Introduction. Similarities and differences in the historical development of the West and the East Period 1. (up to 527). Elements of the education of Byzantinism Chapter 1. Byzantinism and its cultural significance in history Chapter 2. Cultural and religious crisis in the Roman Empire. Immigration of the barbarians. Transfer of the capital to Constantinople Chapter 3. Formation of the Christian Empire. Church policy of Constantine. Orthodoxy and Arianism Chapter 4. Paganism and Christianity in the middle of the 4th century. Julian the Apostate. Characteristics of his reign Chapter 5. Church and state policy at the end of the 4th century. Theodosius the Great. The case of the altar of Victory. Immigration of the barbarians. Taking them into the service of the empire Chapter 6. Great movement of peoples. Fall of the Western Empire Chapter 7. Emperor Theodosia II. Augusta Pulcheria and Athenais-Evdosh. Augustine about the city of God. Ephesus Cathedral. Monophysites Chapter 8. Constantinople. The world significance of the capital of the Eastern Empire. Bishop of the city. Craft classes. Dima. Educational institutions Chapter 9. Marcian and Pulcheria. Chalcedonian Cathedral. The general historical significance of the 28th canon. Leo I. Federates. Aspar and Ardavuriy. Expedition to Africa Chapter 10. Christian culture and Hellenism. Patriarchate of Constantinople. Monasticism. Local shrines Chapter 11. Leo I and Zinon. Consequences of the Chalcedonian Cathedral. Establishment of Ostrogothic rule in Italy Chapter 12. Anastasius (491-518). The state of affairs on the Danube border. Vitalian. Persian War Chapter 13. The emergence of the Slavs within the empire Period 2. (518-610). From Justinian I to Heraclius Chapter 1. Characteristics of the period. Justinian and Theodora. Historian Procopius Chapter 2. Wars with the Germans: Vandals and Ostrogoths. Hike to Spain Chapter 3. Northwest border of the empire. The appearance of the Slavs on the Danube. Avar approval in Pannonia and Hungary Chapter 4. South-eastern and southern borders of the empire. Persian Wars. Spheres of influence in Arabia. Egypt and the Christian mission on the borders of Abyssinia Chapter 5. The inner activity of Justinian. Riot "Nika". Religious policy in Syria. Simeon the Stylite and his monastery Chapter 6. Construction of St. Sofia and other buildings in the capital. Line of border fortifications Chapter 7. Trade. Silk products. Customs department. Cosma Indikoplev Chapter 8. Legislative and administrative activities of Justinian. Church politics Chapter 9. Levying taxes on land. Land Registry under Justinian. Final conclusions Chapter 10. The closest successors of Justinian. Slavic immigration within the empire. War with Persia Chapter 11. The overthrow of Mauritius and the proclamation of Phocas. The uprising of exarch HeracliusForeword
I am very sorry that I started late to print the work that I had conceived at least 25 years ago. There is often a doubt whether it will be possible to bring the matter to the end, since I am approaching the limit of my life. In the course of forty years of studying in different departments of Byzantium, I had the opportunity to dwell on many issues, and many departments were processed at different times and for different purposes. But when the time came to summarize what had been prepared so far, the difference in mood and the dissimilarity of the general idea affected in different departments. Does this stem from the conditions of age or from the conditions of a gradual broadening of one's horizons? Unfortunately, I hesitate to answer this question, i.e. I'm afraid to sin against the case. Undoubtedly, 20 years ago I spoke more boldly, made more generalizations and conclusions, was not so careful in sentences: now I often had to soften expressions, smooth out the harshness of thought, redo whole chapters in order to adjust them to a new mood. Is it good for the cause? Again, I can’t speak out positively. There are, however, some details that should be usefully reflected by the fact that the appearance of my work in print is too slow.
Since 1895, living in Constantinople, I had the opportunity to study people whose ancestors created the history of Byzantium, to directly get acquainted with the monuments and delve into the psychology of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, which is largely responsible for the fact that most of the peoples subordinate to the cultural influence of Byzantium are still in such wretched situation. Since the clergy and monasticism have always occupied a leading place in the history of Byzantium, then, of course, the circumstance in which coverage of church affairs is presented is of no small importance. Perhaps, not living so much time among the Greeks and not studying directly the life of the patriarchy, it would have been impossible for me to abandon the theoretical constructions and fictions that we are so abundantly endowed with at school. Meanwhile, a real view of the ecumenical patriarchy, which throws excommunication at the Slavic peoples, violating its phyletic policy, is highly timely for us to establish both for Russian church policy and for our people's self-determination, if only in view of the consideration that that moment is not far off. when, by the political course of things and the successes of Catholic and Protestant propaganda, he will be brought to the position of the Alexandrian or Jerusalem patriarchate, i.e. when it will lose almost the entire Balkan Peninsula and a significant part of the eastern pulpits. Then, only a long stay in the East and the associated travels in Asia Minor, Syria and Palestine could for me clarify the historical fate of the Byzantine Empire, which for its existence is more connected with the East than with the West. I mean not only that both the Constantinople Empire and the Turkish Empire that replaced it owe their main material forces (military men and income) to the East and have always depended on the devotion of the eastern provinces, but also actual traditions and historical facts. None of the Slavic sovereigns could cope with the tempting idea of founding an empire in Europe in the place of the Greco-Byzantine one; None of the European reigns founded in Europe after the IV Crusade - whether led by the Franks or the local Greeks - had a long history and did not attract popular sympathy, while the Nicene Empire preserved and matured the idea of restoring the Byzantine Empire in the XIII v. The history lesson must be strictly tested and weighed by those who are currently awaiting the division of the inheritance after the "dangerously ill" on the Bosphorus.
Since this publication cannot be regarded as a commercial enterprise and is not motivated by any official or career goals, I find it appropriate to explain here that Brockhaus-Efron by its consent to publish the History of the Byzantine Empire in the form in which it appears in front of the public at the present time, has greatly influenced my final decision to start preparing the text for publication, i.e. to decide on an enterprise, to the implementation of which there have always been intractable difficulties.
The book coming into the hands of the reader is not intended to replace the existing old and new stories of Byzantium. This is not an exhaustive exposition of all the events included in the circle of more than a thousand-year-old empire - it therefore concludes not six or seven volumes, but three. Without competing and not trying to replace the published histories of Byzantium, I, however, cherish the cherished idea of giving compatriots an integral system in such an area, which I consider the most important after national history for the national identity of a cultured Russian citizen. For this purpose and in the desire to be publicly available, I did not consider it necessary to give a large scientific apparatus either in footnotes or at the end of chapters. References to manuals and citations of sources were allowed to the extent that it was considered necessary so that the inquisitive reader was not deprived of the opportunity, if desired, to master the material that was at the disposal of the author: sources are indicated where original conclusions are given on the basis of a special study of them; manuals are shown as guidelines for which it is easy to find indications of the literature of the subject. Not to give large footnotes was a condition on the part of the publisher, which I found to be justified. Maybe I cited many passages in Russian translation from documents and literary works of the described time, but it always seemed to me that this best introduces the era and conveys the mood of society.
The author tried to make every effort so that this work, the result of a long, persistent and - may it be allowed to be added - not unsuccessful scientific activity of the Russian professor, was worthy of its purpose and subject. I was born in 1845 and I can finish this last scientific enterprise by the seventy-year period of my life, when it is natural for a person to summarize everything that has been experienced and summarize the results of his activities. It is easy to understand that I wanted to give such reading into the hands of the Russian reader, which, on the one hand, with its severity and seriousness, would give him the idea of a well-thought-out and carefully weighed system, and on the other, would leave a good memory of the author, who, daring to publish into the light of the history of Byzantium compiled by him, obeyed an internal attraction emanating from the conviction that the assertion of knowledge about Byzantium and the clarification of our relations with it is highly necessary for the Russian scientist and no less useful both for education and for guiding the Russian on the right path political and national identity. Let the reader ponder over the contents of the chapters devoted to the South Slavs and look for illustrations there for the sad events that are currently being experienced on the Balkan Peninsula!
F. Assumption Constantinople. October 1912
(The above photo is from the 2002 edition, and the downloads are from slightly earlier editions.)
M .: Mysl, 1996 .-- 827 p. (this includes the first 2 volumes of the history of Byzantium of the Assumption)
M .: Mysl, 1997 .-- 527 p. (v.3. Period of the Macedonian dynasty 867-1057)
M .: Mysl, 1997 .-- 829s. (the final chapters of the history of Byzantium: VI-VIII, as well as the "Eastern question")
"History of the Byzantine Empire" - the main work of the outstanding Russian scientist, the largest Byzantinist with a world name, Academician Fyodor Ivanovich Uspensky (1845-1928). Ouspensky's research is distinguished by the author's point of view on the causes and course of historical events, which is supported by an excellent knowledge of sources and mastery of historical material. The narrative is set against a broad historical background and in close connection with the history of Russia, special attention is paid to the spiritual and secular influence of Byzantium on the Slavs of the Balkan Peninsula and Russia.
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PERIOD I (before 527) Elements of the formation of Byzantinism
Chapter I Byzantinism and its cultural significance in history 35
Chapter II Cultural and Religious Crisis in the Roman Empire. Immigration of the barbarians. Transfer of the capital to Constantinople 43
Chapter III Formation of the Christian Empire. Church policy of Constantine. Orthodoxy and Arianism 53
Chapter IV Paganism and Christianity in the middle of the GU century. Julian the Apostate. Characteristics of his reign 72
Chapter V Ecclesiastical and state policy at the end of the GU century Theodosia the Great. The case of the altar of Victory. Immigration of the barbarians. Taking them into the service of the empire 95
Chapter VI Great movement of peoples. Fall of the Western Empire 116
Chapter UII Emperor Theodosia II. Augusta Pulcheria and Athenais-Evdokia. Augustine about the city of God. Ephesus Cathedral. Monophysites 128
Chapter VIII Constantinople. The world significance of the capital of the Eastern Empire. Bishop of the city. Craft classes. Dima. Educational institutions 148
Chapter IX Marcian and Pulcheria. Chalcedonian Cathedral. The general historical significance of the 28th canon. Leo I. Federates. Aspar and Ardavuriy. Expedition to Africa 176
Chapter X Christian culture and Hellenism. Patriarchate of Constantinople. Monasticism. Local shrines 192
Chapter XI Leo G and Zinon. Consequences of the Chalcedonian Cathedral. Establishment of Ostrogothic rule in Italy 207
Chapter XII Anastasius (491-518). The state of affairs on the Danube border. Vitalian. Persian War 220
Chapter XIII The emergence of the Slavs within the empire 243
PERIOD II (518-610) From Justinian I to Heraclius
Chapter I Characteristics of the period. Justinian and Theodora. Historian Procopius 259
Chapter II Wars with the Germans: Vandals and Ostrogoths. Trekking in Spain 268
Chapter III Northwest frontier of the empire. The appearance of the Slavs on the Danube. Avar approval in Pannonia and Hungary 291
Chapter I V South-eastern and southern borders of the empire. Persian Wars. Spheres of influence in Arabia. Egypt and the Christian Mission on the Borders of Abyssinia 304
Chapter V Inner Activities of Justinian. Riot "Nika". Religious policy in Syria. Simeon the Stylite and his monastery 315
Chapter VI Construction of St. Sofia and other buildings in the capital. Line of border fortifications 333
Chapter VII Trade in Silk Products Customs Department. Cosma Indikoplev 339
Chapter VIII Justinian's Legislative and Administrative Activity. Church Politics 348
Chapter I X Levying taxes on land. Land Registry under Justinian. Concluding Conclusions 364
Chapter X The closest successors of Justinian Slavic immigration within the empire. War with Persia 379
Chapter XI The overthrow of Mauritius and the proclamation of Phocas. Rise of Exarch Heraclius 394
PERIOD III (610-716) Heraclius and his successors
Chapter I General characteristics. Military preparations. The origin of the 405 femme device
Chapter II Completion of Slavic immigration. Legend about the settlements of Croatian Serbs. It goes by itself. General scheme of the ancient history of the Slavs 413
Chapter III The capture of Jerusalem by the Persians. The invasion of Persia in 623 and a series of defeats inflicted on the Persian king by the Siege of Constantinople by the Avars and Persians. The World Historical Significance of the Persian War 426
Chapter IV Successors of Heraclius 444
Chapter V Western borders of the empire. Lombards until the end of the 7th century. 462
Chapter VI Slavs in the VII and early VIII c. Adoption of Bulgarians in the Balkan Peninsula 483
Chapter VII Foundations of the Fem Device 497
Chapter VIII Arabs. Mohammed 512
Chapter IX Islam and Byzantium 530
ICONORIC PERIOD (717-867)
Chapter I Characteristics of the period Leo the Isaurian. Reflection of the Arab invasion 553
Chapter II Iconoclastic Edict 567
Chapter III Consequences of the iconoclastic policy of Leo the Isaurian in Italy 579
Chapter IV Internal activity of Leo the Isaurian. Administrative and judicial reforms. Legislation 589
Chapter V Constantine Copronym. Eastern border - Arabs. Western border - Bulgaria 597
Chapter VI Iconoclastic movement under Constantine Copronymus 614
Chapter VII Southwestern outskirts. Loss of the exarchate. Revolutionary movement in Rome. Carolingians. Sicily and Calabria 628
Chapter VIII The Family of Constantine V. Leo IV. Irina and Konstantin 646
Chapter IX Church Policy under Constantine's Successors. Ecumenical Council 660
Chapter X Tsarina Irina and Charlemagne. Two Empires 672
Chapter XI Slavic settlements in Greece. Hellenism in the history of Byzantium 691
Chapter XII King Nicephorus I. Disputes between two empires over Venice. Internal activities. Venerable Theodore the Studite 701
Chapter XIII Bolgar in the first half of the 9th century Krum and Omortag. Thirty Years Peace 722
Chapter XIV Iconoclasts and Icon Worshipers in the First Half of the 9th Century Arab conquest of Crete and Sicily 735
Chapter XV Tsar Theophilus. Eastern border of the empire. Loss of Amorius 756
Chapter XVI Tsarina Theodora. Restoration of Orthodoxy. Michael III 766
SOURCES AND REFERENCES 794
SECTION V Period of the Macedonian dynasty (867-1057)
Chapter I New historical content in the history of Byzantium and new figures: Tsar Vasily 1 and Patriarch Photius
Chapter II Cyril and Methodius
Chapter III Ecclesiastical and political mission among the Slavs. The beginning of the Cyril and Methodius question in history
Chapter IV Church Affairs. Patriarch Photius. Conversion of Bulgaria to Christianity
Chapter V Wars with Arabs in Southern Italy and Sicily
Chapter VI Organization of the Archdiocese of St. Methodius. The World Historical Significance of the Cyril and Methodius Question
Chapter VII Church Affairs. Second Patriarchate of Photius
Chapter VIII Family relations in the house of Tsar Vasily. Leo VI. Deposition of Patriarch Photius
Chapter IX Wars with the Arabs on the eastern border and at sea. Salt. Sea trips Imeria
Chapter X Legislation of the kings of the Macedonian dynasty. Novels. Peasant community
Chapter XI Northern border of the empire. Simeon the Bulgarian plans for the empire. Serbs and Croats
Beer XII Moravia. Ugric pogrom. Educational activity of the pupils of Cyril and Methodius in Bulgaria. Cyrillic and Glagolitic
Chapter XIII Family Relations. Patriarch Nikolai Mystic and the question of the fourth marriage. Leo VI traits
Chapter XIV Byzantium and Russia. Contracts. Travel of St. Olga to Constantinople
Chapter XV Constantine VII Porphyry. Characteristic of the period. East and West 1page
Chapter XVI Northern Border. Bulgaria and the Ugrians. Campaigns of Russian princes. Slavs in Laconia
Chapter XVII Literary Activity of Constantine
Chapter XVIII Roman II. The reign of Nicephorus Phocas. The state of affairs on the eastern and western borders.
Chapter XIX Significance of Svyatoslav's campaigns in Bulgaria. Focky's domestic politics
Chapter XX John Tzimiskes. External wars. The first Athonite charter
Chapter XXI The first years of the reign of Vasily. Revolt of Varda Sklir. The beginning of the war with Bulgaria
Chapter XXII Russia and Byzantium at the end of the 10th century
Chapter XXIII Greco-Bulgarian War. Submission of Bulgaria
Chapter XXIV Campaigns to Syria and Armenia. Western border of the empire. The last representatives of the dynasty
SOURCES AND REFERENCES (cited by F.I.Uspensky)
APPLICATION
From the editor
Table of contents handwritten
Additional material for chapter XVIII
Additional material for chapter XIX
Chapter XXIII History of Byzantine Institutions
Chapter XXIX Patriarchy and Papacy. Separation of Churches
SECTION VI Comnenus (pp. 9-236)
SECTION VII Dismemberment of the Empire(pp. 237-304)
SECTION VIII Lascari and Paleologi(pp. 305-642)
EASTERN QUESTION(pp. 643 - 823)
Russia's Middle East policy since the middle of the 15th century, since the fall of Constantinople
The Eastern question and the great European war
SOURCES AND REFERENCES (cited by F.I.Uspensky)
Current page: 1 (total of the book has 42 pages) [available passage for reading: 10 pages]
Fedor Ivanovich Uspensky
History of the Byzantine Empire of the 6th – 9th centuries Volume 2. Period III (610–716) Heraclius and his successors. Iconoclastic period (717-867)
(History of the Byzantine Empire - 2)
PERIOD III (610-716) Heraclius and his successors
Chapter I
General characteristics. Military preparations,
The origin of the fem device
With the beginning of the VII century. In the history of Byzantium, one can outline not only certain facts that serve as an indicator of a final break with Roman traditions and ideals, but, at the same time, in the character and mood of statesmen and society, one can meet new features brought by new people and new views. The reign of Heraclius opens a new era in the history of Byzantium, establishing the border between the old and the newly born historical movement. But it is extremely difficult to imagine in proper coverage the nature of Heraclius' activities both the scarcity of information about his internal activities that have come down to us, and the fact that the new elements of statehood, gradually entering life from that time, did not find themselves either a proper assessment or a definite place in historical accounts.
The Byzantium of Heraclius' time is not like the empire of Justinian's time. The extraordinary exertion of forces under Justinian was intended to revive the idea of the Roman Empire and to bind the various peoples that make up the empire with the unity of faith and law; this idea was practically realized thanks to the extraordinary energy of Justinian, as well as his skill in evaluating people and giving them assignments corresponding to their abilities. But in the very idea of a world empire there was no vitality, and the creation of Justinian was not politically durable. On the contrary, the task of Heraclius was definite and concrete, it was not about new conquests, but about the means to preserve what could be saved from destruction. The previous era of military indignation, as a result of which there were often random people on the throne of emperors, who reached supreme power at the whim of fate, was accompanied by an extreme breakdown of economic means, a fall in welfare, a decrease in the army and the extermination of a huge number of people, especially from the sufficient and ruling classes. There is news that Heraclius, making a census of the composition of his army, found that only two of the entire available number served under Fock, and the entire composition belonged to the new set. This observation applies to other states as well. At first, after his accession to the throne, Heraclius was in hesitation. The government does not take decisive measures, it does not dare to enter into a decisive struggle against the enemies of the empire and is negotiating peace and alliance, which, however, did not have success. Only in 622, when Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine and Egypt were already under the rule of the Persians, Irakli comes out with a certain foreign policy and becomes the head of the newly organized and prepared army by himself. So, the preliminary period of preparation for military activity remains poorly understood for us.
About where Heraclius got the funds for the war and how he prepared an army capable of enduring the incredible burdens of service in the war with the Persians, the best page is given by the writer Theophanes: campaign against the Persians. Being in dire need, he borrowed money from churches and monasteries, ordered the chandeliers and other church vessels to be taken from the Great Church, and minted gold and small change coins from them. To manage affairs in his absence, he appointed a regency, which included, in addition to his son, Patriarch Sergius and patrician Vaughn, a man of a subtle mind and wise in reason and experience. Having sent a letter to the Avar kagan, he asked him to pay attention to the Romei kingdom, with which he entered into an alliance of friendship, and appointed him the guardian of his son. From the capital, Heraclius headed by sea to the area called Pyla 1
The Bithinian city in the Astakos Bay near Nicomedia.
Where came from in the area, got a fem device 2
έντεϋ9εν δε επί τάς των δεμάτων χώρας άφικόμενος. To what extent the ideas about that time are vague, the Latin translation of this place proves. Illinc vero per ceteras regiones sibi subiectas profectus.
He gathered an army in a camp and began to teach him military service according to a new system, exercising him in gymnastics and in the art of war. Dividing the detachment into two parts, ordered them to make exemplary bloodless skirmishes among themselves and accustomed them to military shouts, and peans, and exclamations, and movements, with the goal that when wartime came, they would not seem like newcomers, but boldly, as it were jokingly, they went to the enemy. Finding the same army brought to a state of great licentiousness and cowardice, the decline of discipline and order and scattered in different places, he soon united all together ”1. The writer once again returns to the description of military exercises in two orders with exemplary battles with the sounds of trumpets and with blows with shields, from which we can conclude that he had at his disposal significant material for this side of Heraclius' activities. But in the above excerpt, the most interesting part is about the themes, a term that first appears in historiography and denotes a major reform related to civil and military administration. The division of the empire into themes is under Heraclius already a well-defined fact and valid in practice. It is also very curious that the reforms in military science, with which Theophanes introduces us, are put in relation to the themes. This is an absolutely correct view, since the organization of the femas achieved primarily military goals, and the reorganization of the army was conditioned by the special organization of the civilian population in those administrative-military districts that were called fems. So, we outline here one of the important moments of the preparatory activities of Heraclius, to which the first ten years of his reign were dedicated; it is a military and civil reform, expressed in the structure of the fems. Regardless of the fact, Theophanes has a hint of a number of other measures with which Heraclius tried to ensure himself success in the military undertakings that were the goal of his life. This, by the way, is the question of the regency, and especially of the succession to the throne.
Not only the natural feeling of affection for relatives led Irakli in the distribution of higher titles and positions, but also a lack of people, since most of the well-born and wealthy people were either destroyed or weakened by torture, confiscation of property, imprisonment and murder. So, around the throne, we see the relatives of Heraclius. The dignity of the kuropalat was bestowed on his brother Theodore; his cousin Nikita was the main pillar of the kingdom. Only Priscus, Phocas's son-in-law, remained in the mercy of Heraclius from outsiders, and even then for a short time. With special attention, he attended to the arrangement of the fate of his family. His daughter Epiphania, born of his first wife, he appointed Augustus, and in the same way he crowned the kingdom in the first years after the accession of his young son Constantine. Perhaps the same motive for strengthening his own dynasty explains his marriage with his own niece Marina, daughter of his sister Maria, which made a big noise. Queen Marina was, however, not up to par. In a difficult moment in Heraclius's life, she far from supported him, as Theodore Justinian had before, but, on the contrary, at her suggestions, Heraclius made a faint-hearted decision to move his capital to Carthage in 618, when circumstances were extremely unfavorable in Constantinople, and only persistence Patriarch Sergius prevented the implementation of this decision.
With the accession of Heraclius to the throne, the political situation of the empire was desperate. The northern provinces of the empire were inundated with Slavs and Avars. Heraclius immediately assessed the situation here and took a number of measures that were of fundamental importance for the coming centuries on the Balkan Peninsula. First of all, he understood that the empire should not waste its energy in the fight against Slavic immigration; abandoning the areas occupied by the Slavs, Irakli found in himself enough statesmanship to leave the Slavs alone until the time when the empire gathers its strength and can start a cultural and political struggle with them.
The main attention was paid to the East, where, under the rule of Khosroos II, the Persian Empire discovered tremendous tension and conquering power, having taken Syria, Palestine and Egypt from Byzantium for several years and inflicting an incredible moral defeat on the Christian Empire by the fact that the fire-worshipers took possession of the Life-giving tree of the cross of Christ. In the period from 622 to 628, Heraclius, in several campaigns to the East, achieved such successes that the Persians abandoned their conquests in Egypt, Syria and Palestine and received a blow from which they never recovered. Among the successors of Justinian, Heraclius stands above all.
At the end of the 4th century, when the imperial army was flooded with barbarian troops, and when the German-Goths threatened to overwhelm the capital itself, the voices of patriots began to rise in favor of the nationalization of the army. “A war for the defense of the state,” Bishop Sinesius of Ptolemais said in his speech to Arkady, “cannot be successfully waged by foreign troops. Take the defenders of the fatherland from your own fields and from the subordinate cities, for in them you will find real protection of the state order and those laws in which they themselves were born and raised. Is it not seen an extreme danger in the fact that those military people, alien to us, who are entrusted with the defense of our country, may want to impose their power on the unarmed population? Try to multiply your own regiments, along with this, the people's spirit will rise, which will successfully withstand the struggle against the barbarian invasion ”2.
However, the Byzantine government did not succeed in switching from the system of hiring foreign troops to a national army either in the 5th or 6th century. Under Justinian, when the empire developed its military strength to the utmost limits, brilliant military deeds were carried out under the leadership of Belisarius, Narses and other generals not by a national army, but by mercenaries from the eye peoples who entered into a special treaty with the empire and bore the name of the federates. Almost every leader of Justinian's time had his own squad of foreigners hired to serve, who, as a personal retinue as squires, served as the core of the army. The last instance of the recruitment of a large foreign detachment for military service dates back to the reign of Tiberius (578-582), which made up a special corps of 15,000 men, which was entrusted to them to Mauritius, a committee of the federates, later proclaimed king.
Awareness of the unsatisfactory nature of this system and the enormous danger to the empire from the Persians and Slavs prompted the government to make attempts to change the military system. However, it was not immediately possible to resolve this issue. On the path along which the reform of military affairs was being prepared, the Byzantine government had to reckon with two circumstances: a lack of population, especially on the borders threatened by enemy invasions, and an abundance of empty, unoccupied and uncultivated lands. Administratively, the central government had to abandon the system of separation of civil and military power, which had dominated since the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine, and strengthen its organs in the province by uniting a military command over the local military people and civil power over the population of a certain territory. In this respect, it is very interesting to trace the preparatory measures for the new system, noted even before the time of Heraclius.
Signs of new views are found partly in the isolated attempts of Justinian I to reform military affairs. A similar conclusion is drawn from the consideration of his measures to organize the province of Armenia, which are reported by the historians Malala, Theophanes and Kedrin 3. Comparing the three versions of the named writers about the orders of Justinian in Armenia, we can imagine the case in the following form.
In the province of Armenia, which was of particular importance for the sake of the neighborhood with Persia, Justinian concentrated military power in one person with the title of stratilate. But as the sedentary population in the province, I who would have participated in military service, was small, for the Armenians "were distinguished by vagrancy and inconstancy" 4, the composition of the military units was reinforced with four regiments called from Anatolik. The most significant, however, must be recognized the measures that provided for the involvement of local elements in military service, the importance of which was determined by the knowledge of the communication routes in Armenia. In addition, civilian officials of the region were included in the military service or in the military lists. No matter how dry the news about the military organization of Armenia, the following conclusions can be drawn from it: Justinian or, perhaps, his successors made an attempt to concentrate military power in one hand, the indigenous population was involved in serving military service, the civilian power was partly subordinated to the military, partly some civilian ranks were renamed military. The same goal of strengthening provincial power in case of exceptional circumstances dictated to the Byzantine government another measure, which unusually strengthened civilian power by imposing military powers on it. This measure was carried out in Egypt by strengthening the power of the governor of Alexandria with the title of Augustalia, who was given military power "for the sake of the large population of Alexandria" with the subordination of all military forces to him both in the city of Alexandria and in two Egypt 5.
At the very end of the 6th century, precisely under Mauritius (582-602), the noted tendency to deviate from the Roman system spreads in a different direction with greater consistency than in the Justinian era. It was in two provinces, remote from the center and placed in an exceptional position due to the fact that the population of these provinces was completely alien to Byzantine culture, that governorships were organized with the name of exarchates. This administrative reform was carried out in Italy and Africa. On the occasion of the invasion of Italy by the Lombards, almost two-thirds of the Italian territory was withdrawn from the empire, and the garrisons that remained in the large cities could hardly keep under the protection of the walls. To strengthen and centralize the military power in Italy, an exarchate was created with the capital in Ravenna to replace the former magister militum. For the same motives and almost at the same time, an exarchate was formed in Africa with a central government in Carthage. The military means that Heraclius had in 610 during his campaign to Constantinople sufficiently explain the extent to which the exarch's power was independent and independent 6. It must be admitted that the establishment of the exarchate was influenced by the great practicality and administrative experience of the government, which was able to put civil and military power in the exarchate within proper boundaries, giving the decisive role of military power, but not depriving civilian ranks of proper competence. In organizing the exarchate, it is important to note the excellent experience of creating an independent and self-sufficient administrative unit in which all parts are subordinate and which performs military and civil functions at the expense of the material resources extracted in this province. Before proceeding with the indicated observations to the time of Heraclius, we recall that the initial role of Phocas in the military camp on the Danube was apparently also aimed at the formation of an exarchate, unless Theophanes, speaking about his election as an exarch, made no mistake 7.
When Heraclius undertook a campaign in Persia in 622, he stopped for quite a long time in the regions that had already received a femme device, and trained the new recruits here in the new system of military art. Here for the first time we come across the term "fema" with a very special technical meaning in relation to the civil and military administration of the Byzantine state. It is believed that the femic system owes its beginnings to the reforms of Justinian, and that in the organization of the exarchates one can find some elements of the same femic system, although this opinion can hardly be defended in all the details. Unfortunately, no positive testimonies from writers regarding the femic structure so characteristic of Byzantium have survived. When the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenous (911-947) began to collect information on the fem structure in the archives of the empire, he found very little accurate and reliable and therefore limited himself to the designation of the contemporary administrative division of the empire into femas. To what extent the information found by Constantine was insufficient is evident from the uncertainty and extreme caution with which he supposedly elevates this institution to the name of Heraclius. So, about the Armeniak fem, he expresses himself as follows: "It seems, one can think that she received such a name during the reign of Heraclius and in the near future" 8. In the same way, in the preface to the essay on themes, he more confidently reduces to the time of Heraclius and his successors the new system of the femic structure 9.
Although the question of the phemas from the point of view of their origin has recently been thoroughly studied by Professors Diehl and Geltzer, 10 there are still quite unexplained aspects in it. Researchers of the Byzantine femme system proceeded from the idea that a fema is understood as a military detachment-division or corps, stationed in a certain territory and consisting in a certain military organization and subordination of units under the command of a military leader with the rank of strategist. Meanwhile, upon a closer study of the sources, one cannot help but come to the conclusion that although the theme in a narrow sense denotes a corps or a division, on the other hand, this term has never lost its original broader meaning. The original meaning of the theme denotes a civil administrative district, which includes residents of cities and villages, governed by civilian officials and serving a variety of state duties, including military tax. The relation of fema as a military term to fema - an administrative district with its administrative, judicial and financial system - remained unaffected, which is why the study of the femic structure itself lost a significant share of its general historical interest. In the sense of an institution that arose in the VII century. and developed under the Isaurians, the femic device denotes a special organization of the civilian population of the province, adapted specifically for serving military service. Thus, to uncover the history of the femic system means to find out the government's measures in relation to land tenure and to the land arrangement of the peasant population, since the military tax system, in the end, was based on the organization of military tax land plots 11 .
Without going into details here, we will limit ourselves to the analysis of one passage [from the composition of] Konstantin Porfirorodny, which introduces into the very essence of the femic device: “Protospapharius Theodore Pankrati takes a contract to recruit 500 warriors capable of shooting and fit for equestrian service. If the warriors find themselves in possession of a full land plot, then they undertake to make cavalry equipment at their own expense; if their donation is not enough, then they have the right to receive horses from state horse bases or to take them from single individuals - co-payers of the Anatolian theme ”12. This place, in which there are several technical expressions, reveals a phenomenon that has hitherto remained unnoticed, that the essence of the femic device lies not in military units located in cities and villages, but in the very nature of the economic and land organization of the rural population. So, the above-named protospapharius had to make a property census in a certain area and make a military enrollment of 500 warriors. If it turned out that, due to its property status, the village of Plataniyaty is not able to set the required number of recruits, then other villages should have been census. Further, since the task of some warriors was to enroll in the infantry, others in the cavalry regiments, then some special conditions arose, with which it was necessary to conform.
Service in the infantry was cheaper; consequently, a more modest financial position was required for the infantryman; service in the cavalry was more expensive, and therefore the one who had more land allotment was appointed to the cavalry. Thus, if the recruit had a full allotment corresponding to the equestrian service, he was obliged to prepare cavalry equipment at his own expense; otherwise, the horse was handed over to him from a state horse stand or from single co-payers, by which one should mean singles by marital status, serving military service according to a pooling system - one warrior from several peasants.
The main merit of the Byzantine government was that, with the introduction of a femic organization, it made military service dependent on land tenure, which determined the stability and vitality of the femic structure. The service was laid from the ground, and the man in the street served in such a department of the army, which corresponded to the land plot that was in his use. Accordingly, there were areas for the infantry service, for the cavalry and sea. These are the main features of the femic device, which dates back to the time of Heraclius with its rudiments.
We are deprived of the opportunity to judge in which locality the fem device was first applied. One thing is certain that in 622, when he set out on the first Persian campaign, Heraclius from Nicomedia went to the area with a feminine device and trained recruits here. Subsequently, there was the Opsikios fema, which served as the protection of the capital and adjacent areas, and therefore, with some reason, the first orders in relation to the femic organization could be attributed to the region closest to the capital on the Asian side. But later, under the closest successors of Heraclius, the Anatolian theme acquired special significance. More extensive information has been preserved about the organization and origin of this theme. Already under Mauritius, here we find the first measures to strengthen military power. The Anatolian Stratiga, in which rank we see Philippicus, married to the sister of Mauritius Gordia, the provinces of Asia and Lydia and parts of Caria, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Pisidia, Cappadocia and Isauria were subordinate. It was the most important theme, and its patrician strategy held one of the highest places in the table of ranks ... The military corps subordinate to him, according to an approximate calculation of 10 thousand people, often played a role in the political destinies of Constantinople.
Another theme, which also formed even before Heraclius, is the Armeniak theme. The military organization of these themes gradually grew in the 7th century. under the pressure of circumstances, since Anatolika and Armeniak were in a constant state of war due to the growing power of the Arabs and their raids on Byzantium. As for the European provinces, here, first of all, Thrace was organized into a theme, which included the Diocletian provinces: Europe, Rhodope, Thrace, Emimont, Scythia and Mizia. Although under Heraclius on the Balkan Peninsula, great changes took place due to the weakening of the Avars and the establishment of peaceful relations with the Slavs, to whom the regions occupied by them were ceded on certain conditions, nevertheless, the strategy of the Thrace with the military forces subordinate to him was of tremendous importance, because in the place of the Avars in the VII century. the strength and influence of the Bulgarian Khan began to grow on the Balkan Peninsula. With the full development of the femic system in the empire, there were 26 military districts with the same structure.
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