Otto von Bismarck family. Otto von Bismarck. Biography

Name: Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen

State: Prussia

Field of activity: Policy

Greatest Achievement: Became Chancellor of Prussia and united Germany.

Otto von Bismarck is one of the most prominent personalities in German history. Prussia achieved absolute supremacy in Europe largely thanks to his policy of “iron and blood.” Bismarck became a folk hero, the founding father and first chancellor of the Second Reich, whose name was associated with social reform and the fight against socialism and the Catholic Church. His era ended in 1890, but the memory of his outstanding achievements is still alive today.

Childhood and youth

Otto von Bismarck was born in 1815 in Schönhausen in the Brandenburg province. His mother belonged to an outstanding family of scientists, and his father was a hereditary nobleman with considerable influence in the political arena. It was he who became an example for his son, who after school began to study law in Göttingen and Berlin.

When Bismarck's mother died in 1838, he interrupted his studies and returned to his native estate, which he managed with his brother, Bernhard. After the death of Bismarck the elder in 1845, Otto became the full owner of Schönhausen. He actively uses and enjoys all the privileges of the life of a wealthy squire and marries the Catholic Johanna von Putkammer, with whom he has three children - Marie, Herbert and Wilhelm.

The beginning of the political path

In addition to managing his father's estate, Bismarck begins to actively manifest himself in the political sphere. Coming from a deeply conservative family, he was an ardent conservative and supporter of the monarchy. It is not surprising that during the revolutionary events of 1848-49 in Germany, he fully supported Frederick William IV.

The king appreciated Bismarck's loyalty and in 1851 sent him to Frankfurt am Main, where he represented Prussian interests in the German Confederation until 1859.

An ardent supporter of the unification of Germany, Bismarck had an extremely negative attitude towards any attempts by Austria to show its superiority (in particular, the intention to mobilize German troops during the Crimean War) and tried by all means to expand and strengthen the influence of Prussia.

Path to power

His service in St. Petersburg as a diplomat played a huge role in Bismarck’s life and worldview. During the three years he spent in Russia (1859-1862), he managed to learn the language quite well and become imbued with the culture, which subsequently had a significant impact on his approach to relations with the Russian Empire.

In 1862, he returned to his homeland - the return was very opportune: discord reigned in the country between the branches of government. Soon the Kaiser appointed him first as head of government and then as foreign minister.

According to Bismarck himself, there was only one solution in the struggle for supremacy between Prussia and Austria - “not with speeches, but with iron and blood.” It is noteworthy that the authorship of the expression “The winner is always right” is also attributed to Bismarck. War and violence, apparently, for this person have always been the only and most certain ways to achieve the desired result.

Prussian victory

Burgeoning national consciousness and dreams of a united and powerful nation fueled Bismarck in his quest for unification.

When a conflict broke out with Denmark over the issue of Schleswig and Holstein - Danish territories with ethnic Germans living there, Bismarck did not think twice. Having joined forces with Austria, the Prussian troops won, and in the course of short and effective battles, Schleswig fell into the possession of Prussia, and Holstein went to Austria. But, allies in the same war, Prussia and Austria still remained enemies in the battle for supremacy.

In 1866, she joined forces with Italy, which had plans for part of Austria - Venice. The Italian-Prussian alliance succeeded, and Austria lost, ceding the lands it claimed to Prussia and signing a peace treaty.

In 1867, the North German Confederation was formed, with Bismarck as Chancellor and author of the Constitution. It would seem that his dreams of a united state began to come true, but no - the main contender for the Spanish throne was Leopold, a prince from the House of Hohenzollern, and if Alexander II was not particularly worried about this, the French government was puzzled by this fact. To allow a German subject to occupy such an important position would be madness. Adding fuel to the fire was the fact that the lands in southern Germany were under the control of France, which significantly hampered unification. Bismarck needed a war, he needed blood and iron to finish what he started.

Having forged a telegram allegedly written by William I to Napoleon III, Bismarck endowed it with extremely derogatory content for the latter, and then publicly announced this in the newspapers. Of course, France immediately declares war, which it loses. As a result, Prussia annexed the southern lands of France. On January 18, 1871, the creation of the Second Reich was announced, Wilhelm I received the title of emperor, and Bismarck was awarded the title of prince and estate.

Kulturkampf

Vast territories and the growth of industry make Germany one of the strongest powers, but the rapid unification of such vast lands also united territories where people with very different cultures and religions lived, warring clans and communities. The so-called Kulturkampf began - Bismarck's struggle for the cultural unity of the Reich.

Since 1873, all religious organizations have been controlled by the state, and marriage is now recognized as legal only after registration with an official institution. The autonomy of the church was abolished.

Change of power and resignation

Bismarck also authored a number of social reforms that significantly improved the lives of representatives of the working class and, most likely, could still serve his homeland, but in 1888 he ascended the throne - ambitious and young, who did not want to fight for public attention with the famous chancellor. Bismarck resigns and receives the title of Duke, but does not intend to leave politics completely - he has done too much, his memories are too fresh.

Trying to influence his own image in the popular consciousness and not lose influence, Bismarck released memoirs, and also regularly published critical essays and articles about members of the Reichstag and about Wilhelm II himself.

Last years

The death of his wife in 1894 greatly affected Bismarck's emotional and physical state, and his health began to deteriorate. The great and terrible, most controversial politician of his time (and not only) died in 1898, leaving a deep mark on history and the hearts of people.

Otto Eduard Leopold von Schönhausen Bismarck

BISMARCK Otto Eduard Leopold von Schonhausen (Bismarck Otto Eduard Leopold von Schonhausen) (April 1, 1815, Schonhausen July 30, 1898, Friedrichsruh). Prussian-German statesman, first Reich Chancellor of the German Empire.

Carier start

A native of the Pomeranian Junkers. He studied jurisprudence in Göttingen and Berlin. In 1847-48, a deputy of the 1st and 2nd United Landtags of Prussia, during the revolution of 1848 he advocated armed suppression of unrest. One of the organizers of the Prussian Conservative Party. In 1851-59, representative of Prussia in the Bundestag in Frankfurt am Main. In 1859-1862 Prussian Ambassador to Russia, in 1862 Prussian Ambassador to France. In September 1862, during the constitutional conflict between the Prussian royal power and the liberal majority of the Prussian Landtag, Bismarck was called by King William I to the post of Prussian minister-president; stubbornly defended the rights of the crown and achieved a resolution of the conflict in its favor.

German reunification

Under the leadership of Bismarck, the unification of Germany was carried out through a “revolution from above” as a result of three victorious wars of Prussia: in 1864 together with Austria against Denmark, in 1866 against Austria, in 1870-71 against France. While maintaining his commitment to Junkerism and loyalty to the Prussian monarchy, Bismarck was forced during this period to connect his actions with the German national liberal movement. He managed to realize the hopes of the rising bourgeoisie and the national aspirations of the German people, ensuring Germany's breakthrough on the path to an industrial society.

Domestic policy

After the formation of the North German Confederation in 1867, Bismarck became Chancellor. In the German Empire proclaimed on January 18, 1871, he received the highest government post of Imperial Chancellor, and in accordance with the constitution of 1871, practically unlimited power. In the first years after the formation of the empire, Bismarck had to reckon with the liberals who made up the parliamentary majority. But the desire to ensure Prussia a dominant position in the empire, to strengthen the traditional social and political hierarchy and its own power caused constant friction in the relationship between the chancellor and parliament. The system created and carefully guarded by Bismarck - a strong executive power, personified by himself, and a weak parliament, a repressive policy towards the labor and socialist movement did not correspond to the tasks of a rapidly developing industrial society. This became the underlying reason for the weakening of Bismarck's position by the end of the 80s.

In 1872-1875, on the initiative and under pressure of Bismarck, laws were passed directed against the Catholic Church to deprive the clergy of the right to supervise schools, to prohibit the Jesuit order in Germany, to compulsory civil marriage, to abolish articles of the constitution that provided for the autonomy of the church, etc. These measures so-called The Kulturkampf, dictated by purely political considerations of the struggle against the particularist-clerical opposition, seriously limited the rights of the Catholic clergy; attempts at disobedience led to reprisals. This led to the alienation of the Catholic part of the population from the state. In 1878, Bismarck passed through the Reichstag an “exceptional law” against socialists, prohibiting the activities of social democratic organizations. In 1879, Bismarck achieved the adoption of a protective customs tariff by the Reichstag. Liberals were forced out of big politics. The new course of economic and financial policy corresponded to the interests of large industrialists and large farmers. Their union took a dominant position in political life and government. In 1881-89, Bismarck passed “social laws” (on insurance of workers in case of illness and injury, on old-age and disability pensions), which laid the foundations for social insurance of workers. At the same time, he demanded a tightening of anti-worker policies during the 80s. successfully sought an extension of the “exceptional law.” The dual policy towards workers and socialists prevented their integration into the social and state structure of the empire.

Foreign policy

Bismarck built his foreign policy based on the situation that developed in 1871 after the defeat of France in the Franco-Prussian War and the seizure of Alsace and Lorraine by Germany, which became a source of constant tension. With the help of a complex system of alliances that ensured the isolation of France, the rapprochement of Germany with Austria-Hungary and the maintenance of good relations with Russia (the alliance of the three emperors of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia 1873 and 1881; the Austro-German alliance of 1879; the Triple Alliance between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Hungary and Italy 1882; Mediterranean agreement 1887 between Austria-Hungary, Italy and England and the “reinsurance agreement” with Russia 1887) Bismarck managed to maintain peace in Europe; The German Empire became one of the leaders in international politics.

Decline of a career

However, in the late 80s, this system began to show cracks. A rapprochement between Russia and France was planned. Germany's colonial expansion, which began in the 1980s, strained Anglo-German relations. Russia's refusal to renew the "reinsurance treaty" at the beginning of 1890 was a serious setback for the chancellor. Bismarck's failure in domestic policy was the failure of his plan to turn the “exceptional law” against the socialists into a permanent one. In January 1890 the Reichstag refused to renew it. As a result of contradictions with the new Emperor Wilhelm II and with the military command on foreign and colonial policy and on the labor issue, Bismarck was dismissed in March 1890 and spent the last 8 years of his life on his estate Friedrichsruh.

S. V. Obolenskaya

Encyclopedia of Cyril and Methodius

Otto Eduard Leopold Karl-Wilhelm-Ferdinand Duke von Lauenburg Prince von Bismarck und Schönhausen(German) Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen ; April 1, 1815 - July 30, 1898) - prince, politician, statesman, first Chancellor of the German Empire (Second Reich), nicknamed the "Iron Chancellor". He had the honorary rank (peacetime) of Prussian Colonel General with the rank of Field Marshal (March 20, 1890).

While serving as Reich Chancellor and Prussian Minister-Chairman, he had significant influence on the policies of the created Reich until his resignation in the city. In foreign policy, Bismarck adhered to the principle of the balance of power (or European balance, see Bismarck's alliance system)

In domestic politics, the time of his reign from the city can be divided into two phases. At first he made an alliance with moderate liberals. Numerous domestic reforms took place during this period, such as the introduction of civil marriage, which was used by Bismarck to weaken the influence of the Catholic Church (see Kulturkampf). Beginning in the late 1870s, Bismarck separated from the liberals. During this phase, he resorts to policies of protectionism and government intervention in the economy. In the 1880s, an anti-socialist law was introduced. Disagreements with the then Kaiser Wilhelm II led to Bismarck's resignation.

In subsequent years, Bismarck played a prominent political role, criticizing his successors. Thanks to the popularity of his memoirs, Bismarck managed to influence the formation of his own image in the public consciousness for a long time.

By the middle of the 20th century, German historical literature was dominated by an unconditionally positive assessment of the role of Bismarck as a politician responsible for uniting the German principalities into a single national state, which partially satisfied national interests. After his death, numerous monuments were erected in his honor as a symbol of strong personal power. He created a new nation and implemented progressive social welfare systems. Bismarck, being loyal to the king, strengthened the state with a strong, well-trained bureaucracy. After World War II, critical voices began to sound louder, accusing Bismarck, in particular, of curtailing democracy in Germany. More attention was paid to the shortcomings of his policies, and the activities were considered in the current context.

Biography

Origin

Otto von Bismarck was born on April 1, 1815 into a family of small landed nobles in the Brandenburg province (now Saxony-Anhalt). All generations of the Bismarck family served the rulers in peaceful and military fields, but did not show themselves to be anything special. Simply put, the Bismarcks were junkers - descendants of conquering knights who founded settlements in the lands east of the Elbe River. The Bismarcks could not boast of extensive landholdings, wealth or aristocratic luxury, but were considered noble.

Youth

With iron and blood

The regent under the incompetent King Frederick William IV, Prince Wilhelm, closely associated with the army, was extremely dissatisfied with the existence of the Landwehr - a territorial army that played a decisive role in the fight against Napoleon and maintained liberal sentiments. Moreover, the Landwehr, relatively independent of the government, proved ineffective in suppressing the 1848 revolution. Therefore, he supported the Prussian Minister of War Roon in developing a military reform that envisaged the creation of a regular army with service life in the infantry increased to 3 years and four years in the cavalry. Military spending was supposed to increase by 25%. This met with resistance, and the king dissolved the liberal government, replacing it with a reactionary administration. But the budget was again not approved.

At this time, European trade was actively developing, in which Prussia played an important role with its rapidly developing industry, an obstacle to which was Austria, which practiced a protectionist position. To inflict moral damage on her, Prussia recognized the legitimacy of the Italian king Victor Emmanuel, who came to power in the wake of the revolution against the Habsburgs.

Annexation of Schleswig and Holstein

Bismarck is a triumphant man.

Creation of the North German Confederation

The fight against the Catholic opposition

Bismarck and Lasker in Parliament

The unification of Germany led to the fact that communities that were once in violent conflict with each other found themselves in one state. One of the most important problems facing the newly created empire was the question of interaction between the state and the Catholic Church. On this basis it began Kulturkampf- Bismarck's struggle for the cultural unification of Germany.

Bismarck and Windthorst

Bismarck met the liberals halfway in order to ensure their support for his course, agreed with the proposed changes in civil and criminal legislation and ensuring freedom of speech, which did not always correspond to his wishes. However, all this led to the strengthening of the influence of centrists and conservatives, who began to view the attack against the church as a manifestation of godless liberalism. As a result, Bismarck himself began to view his campaign as a serious mistake.

The long struggle with Arnim and the irreconcilable resistance of Windthorst's centrist party could not but affect the health and morale of the chancellor.

Strengthening peace in Europe

Introductory quote to the exhibition of the Bavarian War Museum. Ingolstadt

We do not need war, we belong to what the old Prince Metternich had in mind, namely, to a state completely satisfied with its position, which can defend itself if necessary. And, besides, even if this becomes necessary, do not forget about our peaceful initiatives. And I declare this not only in the Reichstag, but especially to the whole world, that this has been the policy of Kaiser Germany for the past sixteen years.

Soon after the creation of the Second Reich, Bismarck became convinced that Germany did not have the ability to dominate Europe. He failed to realize the hundreds of years old idea of ​​uniting all Germans in a single state. This was prevented by Austria, which was striving for the same thing, but only under the condition of the leading role in this state of the Habsburg dynasty.

Fearing French revenge in the future, Bismarck sought rapprochement with Russia. On March 13, 1871, he, together with representatives of Russia and other countries, signed the London Convention, which lifted the ban on Russia to have a navy in the Black Sea. In 1872, Bismarck and Gorchakov (with whom Bismarck had a personal relationship, like a talented student with his teacher), organized a meeting in Berlin of three emperors - German, Austrian and Russian. They came to an agreement to jointly confront the revolutionary danger. After that, Bismarck had a conflict with the German Ambassador to France, Arnim, who, like Bismarck, belonged to the conservative wing, which alienated the Chancellor from the conservative Junkers. The result of this confrontation was the arrest of Arnim under the pretext of improper handling of documents.

Bismarck, taking into account Germany's central position in Europe and the associated real danger of being involved in a war on two fronts, created a formula that he followed throughout his reign: “A strong Germany strives to live in peace and develop peacefully.” To this end, she must have a strong army so as not to be attacked by anyone who draws the sword from its scabbard.

Throughout his service, Bismarck experienced the “nightmare of coalitions” (le cauchemar des coalitions), and, figuratively speaking, tried unsuccessfully to juggle five balls in the air.

Now Bismarck could hope that England would concentrate on the problem of Egypt, which arose after France bought up shares in the Suez Canal, and Russia became involved in solving the Black Sea problems, and therefore the danger of creating an anti-German coalition was significantly reduced. Moreover, the rivalry between Austria and Russia in the Balkans meant that Russia needed German support. Thus, a situation was created in which all significant forces in Europe, with the exception of France, would not be able to create dangerous coalitions, being involved in mutual rivalry.

At the same time, this created a need for Russia to avoid aggravation of the international situation and it was forced to lose some of the benefits of its victory at the London negotiations, which were expressed at the congress that opened on June 13 in Berlin. The Berlin Congress was created to consider the results of the Russian-Turkish war, which was chaired by Bismarck. The Congress turned out to be surprisingly effective, although Bismarck had to constantly maneuver between representatives of all the great powers. On July 13, 1878, Bismarck signed the Treaty of Berlin with representatives of the great powers, which established new borders in Europe. Then many of the territories transferred to Russia were returned to Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina were transferred to Austria, and the Turkish Sultan, filled with gratitude, gave Cyprus to Britain.

After this, a sharp pan-Slavist campaign against Germany began in the Russian press. The coalition nightmare arose again. On the verge of panic, Bismarck invited Austria to conclude a customs agreement, and when she refused, even a mutual non-aggression treaty. Emperor Wilhelm I was frightened by the end of the previous pro-Russian orientation of German foreign policy and warned Bismarck that things were moving toward an alliance between Tsarist Russia and France, which had become a republic again. At the same time, he pointed out the unreliability of Austria as an ally, which could not deal with its internal problems, as well as the uncertainty of Britain’s position.

Bismarck tried to justify his line by pointing out that his initiatives were taken in the interests of Russia. On October 7, he concluded a “Dual Alliance” with Austria, which pushed Russia into an alliance with France. This was Bismarck's fatal mistake, destroying the close relations between Russia and Germany that had been established since the German War of Liberation. A tough tariff struggle began between Russia and Germany. From that time on, the General Staffs of both countries began to develop plans for a preventive war against each other.

According to this treaty, Austria and Germany were supposed to jointly repel the Russian attack. If Germany were attacked by France, Austria pledged to remain neutral. It quickly became clear to Bismarck that this defensive alliance would immediately turn into offensive action, especially if Austria was on the verge of defeat.

However, Bismarck still managed to confirm an agreement with Russia on June 18, according to which the latter pledged to maintain neutrality in the event of a Franco-German war. But nothing was said about the relationship in the event of an Austro-Russian conflict. However, Bismarck demonstrated an understanding of Russia's claims to the Bosporus and Dardanelles in the hope that this would lead to conflict with Britain. Bismarck's supporters viewed this move as further proof of Bismarck's diplomatic genius. However, the future showed that this was only a temporary measure in an attempt to avoid an impending international crisis.

Bismarck proceeded from his belief that stability in Europe could be achieved only if England joined the “Mutual Treaty”. In 1889, he approached Lord Salisbury with a proposal to conclude a military alliance, but the lord categorically refused. Although Britain was interested in resolving the colonial problem with Germany, it did not want to bind itself to any obligations in central Europe, where the potentially hostile states of France and Russia were located. Bismarck’s hopes that the contradictions between England and Russia would contribute to its rapprochement with the countries of the “Mutual Treaty” were not confirmed.

Danger on the left

“As long as it’s stormy, I’m at the helm”

To the 60th anniversary of the Chancellor

In addition to the external danger, the internal danger became increasingly stronger, namely the socialist movement in the industrial regions. To combat it, Bismarck tried to pass new repressive legislation. Bismarck spoke more and more often about the “Red Menace,” especially after the assassination attempt on the emperor.

Colonial policy

At certain points he showed commitment to the colonial issue, but this was a political move, for example during the election campaign of 1884, when he was accused of lack of patriotism. In addition, this was done in order to reduce the chances of the heir prince Frederick with his leftist views and far-reaching pro-English orientation. In addition, he understood that the key problem for the country's security was normal relations with England. In 1890, he exchanged Zanzibar from England for the island of Heligoland, which much later became an outpost of the German fleet in the world's oceans.

Otto von Bismarck managed to involve his son Herbert in colonial affairs, who was involved in resolving issues with England. But there were also enough problems with his son - he inherited only bad traits from his father and was a drunkard.

Resignation

Bismarck tried not only to influence the formation of his image in the eyes of his descendants, but also continued to interfere in contemporary politics, in particular, he undertook active campaigns in the press. Bismarck was most often attacked by his successor, Caprivi. Indirectly, he criticized the emperor, whom he could not forgive for his resignation. In the summer, Mr. Bismarck took part in the elections to the Reichstag, however, he never took part in the work of his 19th constituency in Hanover, never used his mandate, and in 1893. resigned

The press campaign was successful. Public opinion swung in favor of Bismarck, especially after Wilhelm II began to openly attack him. The authority of the new Reich Chancellor Caprivi suffered especially badly when he tried to prevent Bismarck from meeting with the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph. The journey to Vienna turned into a triumph for Bismarck, who declared that he had no responsibilities to the German authorities: “all bridges were burned”

Wilhelm II was forced to accept reconciliation. Several meetings with Bismarck in the city went well, but did not lead to real detente in relations. Just how unpopular Bismarck was in the Reichstag was shown by the fierce battles over the approval of congratulations on the occasion of his 80th birthday. Due to the publication in 1896. The top-secret reinsurance agreement attracted the attention of the German and foreign press.

Memory

Historiography

In the more than 150 years since Bismarck's birth, many different interpretations of his personal and political activities have arisen, some of them mutually contradictory. Until the end of World War II, German-language literature was dominated by writers whose point of view was influenced by their own political and religious worldview. Historian Karina Urbach noted in the city: “His biography was taught to at least six generations, and it is safe to say that each subsequent generation studied a different Bismarck. No other German politician has been used and distorted as much as he."

Empire times

Controversies surrounding the figure of Bismarck existed even during his lifetime. Already in the first biographical publications, sometimes multi-volume, the complexity and ambiguity of Bismarck was emphasized. Sociologist Max Weber critically assessed Bismarck's role in the process of German unification: “The work of his life was not only the external, but also the internal unity of the nation, but each of us knows: this was not achieved. This cannot be achieved using his methods." Theodor Fontane, in the last years of his life, painted a literary portrait in which he compared Bismarck with Wallenstein. The assessment of Bismarck from Fontane's point of view differs significantly from the assessment of most contemporaries: “he is a great genius, but a small man.”

A negative assessment of Bismarck's role did not find support for a long time, partly thanks to his memoirs. They became an almost inexhaustible source of quotes for his fans. For decades, the book formed the basis of the image of Bismarck among patriotic citizens. At the same time, it weakened the critical view of the founder of the empire. During his lifetime, Bismarck had personal influence over his image in history, as he controlled access to documents and sometimes corrected manuscripts. After the death of the chancellor, control over the formation of the image in history was taken over by his son, Herbert von Bismarck.

Professional historical science could not get rid of the influence of Bismarck's role in the unification of the German lands and joined in the idealization of his image. Heinrich von Treitschke changed his attitude towards Bismarck from critical to devoted admirer. He called the founding of the German Empire the most striking example of heroism in German history. Treitschke and other representatives of the Lesser German-Borussian school of history were fascinated by Bismarck's strength of character. Bismarck biographer Erich Marx wrote in 1906: “In fact, I must admit: living in those times was such a great experience that everything that has to do with it is of value for history.” However, Marx, along with other Wilhelmian historians such as Heinrich von Siebel, noted the contradictory nature of Bismarck's role in comparison with the achievements of the Hohenzollerns. So, in 1914. in school textbooks, it was not Bismarck, Wilhelm I, who was called the founder of the German Empire.

A decisive contribution to the exaltation of Bismarck's role in history was made in the First World War. On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Bismarck in 1915. articles were published that did not even hide their propaganda purpose. In a patriotic impulse, historians noted the duties of German soldiers to defend the unity and greatness of Germany achieved by Bismarck from foreign invaders, and at the same time, remained silent about Bismarck’s numerous warnings about the inadmissibility of such a war in the middle of Europe. Bismarck scholars such as Erich Marx, Mack Lenz and Horst Kohl have portrayed Bismarck as a conduit for the German warrior spirit.

Weimar Republic and Third Reich

Germany's defeat in the war and the creation of the Weimar Republic did not change Bismarck's idealistic image, since the elite historians remained loyal to the monarch. In such a helpless and chaotic state, Bismarck was like a guide, a father, a genius to be followed in order to end the “Versailles humiliation.” If any criticism of his role in history was expressed, it concerned the Little German way of solving the German question, and not the military or imposed unification of the state. Traditionalism prevented the emergence of innovative biographies of Bismarck. The publication of further documents in the 1920s once again helped to emphasize Bismarck's diplomatic skill. The most popular biography of Bismarck at the time was written by Mr. Emil Ludwig, which presented a critical psychological analysis of how Bismarck was portrayed as a Faustian hero in the 19th century historical drama.

During the Nazi period, a historical lineage between Bismarck and Adolf Hitler was more often depicted in order to secure the Third Reich's leading role in the German unity movement. Erich Marx, a pioneer of Bismarck studies, emphasized these ideologically driven historical interpretations. In Britain, Bismarck was also portrayed as the predecessor of Hitler, who stood at the beginning of Germany's special path. As World War II progressed, Bismarck's weight in propaganda decreased somewhat; Since then, his warning about the inadmissibility of war with Russia has not been mentioned. But conservative representatives of the resistance movement saw their guide in Bismarck

An important critical work was published by the German lawyer in exile Erich Eick, who wrote a biography of Bismarck in three volumes. He criticized Bismarck for his cynical attitude towards democratic, liberal and humanistic values ​​and held him responsible for the destruction of democracy in Germany. The system of unions was very cleverly constructed, but, being an artificial construction, it was doomed to collapse from birth. However, Eick could not help but admire the figure of Bismarck: “but no one, anywhere, can disagree with the fact that he [Bismarck] was the main figure of his time... No one can help but admire the power of the charm of this man, who is always curious and important."

Post-war period until 1990

After World War II, influential German historians, notably Hans Rothfelds and Theodor Schieder, took a varied but positive view of Bismarck. Friedrich Meinecke, a former admirer of Bismarck, argued in 1946. in the book “The German Disaster” (German. Die deutsche Katastrophe) that the painful defeat of the German nation-state canceled out all praise of Bismarck for the foreseeable future.

Briton Alan J.P. Taylor made it public in 1955. a psychological, and not least because of this limited, biography of Bismarck, in which he tried to show the struggle between the paternal and maternal principles in the soul of his hero. Taylor positively characterized Bismarck's instinctive struggle for order in Europe with the aggressive foreign policy of the Wilhelminian era. The first post-war biography of Bismarck, written by Wilhelm Momsen, differed from the works of his predecessors in a style that pretended to be sober and objective. Momsen emphasized Bismarck's political flexibility, and believed that his failures could not overshadow the successes of government.

In the late 1970s, a movement of social historians against biographical research emerged. Since then, biographies of Bismarck have begun to appear, in which he is depicted either in extremely light or dark colors. A common feature of most new biographies of Bismarck is an attempt to synthesize Bismarck's influence and describe his position in the social structures and political processes of the time

The American historian Otto Pflanze released between and. a multi-volume biography of Bismarck, in which, unlike others, Bismarck’s personality was placed in the foreground, studied by means of psychoanalysis. Pflanze criticized Bismarck for his treatment of political parties and subordination of the constitution to his own purposes, which set a negative precedent to follow. According to Pflanz, the image of Bismarck as the unifier of the German nation comes from Bismarck himself, who from the very beginning sought only to strengthen Prussian power over the major states of Europe.

Phrases attributed to Bismarck

• By providence itself I was destined to be a diplomat: after all, I was even born on the first of April.
• Revolutions are conceived by geniuses, carried out by fanatics, and their results are used by scoundrels.
• People never lie so much as after a hunt, during a war and before elections.
• Don't expect that once you take advantage of Russia's weakness, you will receive dividends forever. Russians always come for their money. And when they come, do not rely on the Jesuit agreements you signed, which supposedly justify you. They are not worth the paper they are written on. Therefore, you should either play fairly with the Russians, or not play at all.
• The Russians take a long time to harness, but they travel quickly.
• Congratulate me - the comedy is over... (while leaving the post of chancellor).
• As always, he has a prima donna smile on his lips and an ice compress on his heart (about the Chancellor of the Russian Empire Gorchakov).
• You don't know this audience! Finally, the Jew Rothschild... this, I tell you, is an incomparable brute. For the sake of speculation on the stock exchange, he is ready to bury all of Europe, and it’s… me who’s to blame?
• There will always be someone who doesn't like what you do. This is fine. Everyone only likes kittens.
• Before his death, having briefly regained consciousness, he said: “I am dying, but from the point of view of the interests of the state, this is impossible!”
• The war between Germany and Russia is the greatest stupidity. That is why it will definitely happen.
• Study as if you were to live forever, live as if you were to die tomorrow.
• Even the most favorable outcome of the war will never lead to the disintegration of the main strength of Russia, which is based on millions of Russians... These latter, even if they are dismembered by international treatises, are just as quickly reunited with each other, like particles of a cut piece of mercury...
• The great questions of the time are not decided by the decisions of the majority, but only by iron and blood!
• Woe to the statesman who does not take the trouble to find a basis for war that will still retain its significance even after the war.
• Even a victorious war is an evil that must be prevented by the wisdom of nations.
• Revolutions are prepared by geniuses, carried out by romantics, and their fruits are enjoyed by scoundrels.
• Russia is dangerous due to the meagerness of its needs.
• A preventive war against Russia is suicide due to fear of death.

Gallery

see also

Notes

1. Richard Carstensen / Bismarck anekdotisches.Muenchen:Bechtle Verlag. 1981. ISBN 3-7628-0406-0
2. Martin Kitchen. The Cambridge Illustrated History of Germany:-Cambridge University Press 1996 ISBN 0-521-45341-0
3. Nachum T.Gidal:Die Juden in Deutschland von der Römerzeit bis zur Weimarer Republik. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Lexikon Verlag 1988. ISBN 3-89508-540-5
4. Showing the significant role of Bismarck in European history, the author of the cartoon is mistaken regarding Russia, which in those years pursued a policy independent of Germany.
5. “Aber das kann man nicht von mir verlangen, dass ich, nachdem ich vierzig Jahre lang Politik getrieben, plötzlich mich gar nicht mehr damit abgeben soll.” Zit. nach Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 122.
6. Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 7 f.
7. Alfred Vagts: Diederich Hahn - Ein Politikerleben. In: Jahrbuch der Männer vom Morgenstern. Band 46, Bremerhaven 1965, S. 161 f.
8. "Alle Brücken sind abgebrochen."Volker Ullrich: Otto von Bismarck. Rowohlt, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1998, ISBN 3-499-50602-5, S. 124.
9. Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 122-128.
10. Reinhard Pözorny(Hg) Deutsches National-Lexikon-DSZ-Verlag. 1992. ISBN 3-925924-09-4
11. In the original: English. „His life has been taught to at least six generations, and one can fairly say that almost every second German generation has encountered another version of Bismarck. No other German political figure has been as used and abused for political purposes.” Div.: Karina Urbach, Between Saviour and Villain. 100 Years of Bismarck Biographies,in: The Historical Journal. Jg. 41, Nr. 4, December 1998, art. 1141-1160 (1142).
12. Georg Hesekiel: Das Buch vom Grafen Bismarck. Velhagen & Klasing, Bielefeld 1869; Ludwig Hahn: Fürst von Bismarck. Sein politisches Leben und Wirken. 5 Bd. Hertz, Berlin 1878-1891; Hermann Jahnke: Fürst Bismarck, sein Leben und Wirken. Kittel, Berlin 1890; Hans Bloom: Bismarck und seine Zeit. Eine Biographie für das deutsche Volk. 6 Bd. mit Reg-Bd. Beck, Munich 1894-1899.
13. “Denn dieses Lebenswerk hätte doch nicht nur zur äußeren, sondern auch zur inneren Einigung der Nation führen sollen und jeder von uns weiß: das ist nicht erreicht. Es konnte mit seinen Mitteln nicht erreicht werden.” Zit. n. Volker Ullrich: Die nervöse Großmacht. Aufstieg und Untergang des deutschen Kaiserreichs. 6. Aufl. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2006, ISBN 978-3-596-11694-2, S. 29.
14. Theodore Fontane: Der Zivil-Wallenstein. In: Gotthard Erler (Hrsg.): Kahlebutz und Krautentochter. Märkische Portraits. Aufbau Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 2007,

February 20th, 2014

On February 18, 1871, Otto von Bismarck proclaimed the creation of the German Empire - the Second Reich. He became the first chancellor of Germany, who was nicknamed the “Iron Chancellor” for his tough and focused policy on unifying the German lands. Almost by his will, the revolution of the Paris Commune was suppressed. He had a good school - he went through this school after living in Russia.

1. Russian love
Bismarck had a lot in common with our country: service in Russia, “apprenticeship” with Gorchakov, knowledge of the language, respect for the Russian national spirit. Bismarck also had a Russian love, her name was Katerina Orlova-Trubetskaya. They had a whirlwind romance in the resort of Biarritz. Only one week in her company was enough for Bismarck to become captivated by the charms of this young, attractive 22-year-old woman. The story of their passionate love almost ended in tragedy. Katerina’s husband, Prince Orlov, was seriously wounded in the Crimean War and did not take part in his wife’s fun festivities and bathing. But Bismarck accepted. She and Katerina almost drowned. They were rescued by the lighthouse keeper. On this day, Bismarck would write to his wife: “After several hours of rest and writing letters to Paris and Berlin, I took a second sip of salt water, this time in the harbor when there were no waves. A lot of swimming and diving, dipping into the surf twice would be too much for one day.” This incident became a wake-up call for the future chancellor; he never cheated on his wife again. And time has run out - big politics has become a worthy alternative to adultery.

2. Landowner
In his youth, Bismarck lived for a long time in a village where the future German chancellor earned the nickname “crazy Bismarck,” and in the area where he lived a saying arose: “No, it’s not enough yet, says Bismarck.” This nickname and this saying throw a bright light on the exploits he accomplished as a landowner. He had no shortage of company: neighboring landowners, and especially officers stationed in the Naugaard district, kept him company on carousing, hunting, and on various excursions, and were regulars in Kniphof, which, since Bismarck’s arrival there for permanent residence, had been By general rumor it was renamed Kneipgof (tavern). Drinking, carousing, playing cards, hunting, horse riding, shooting at a target - that’s what occupied Bismarck and his comrades. He was an excellent shooter; he used a pistol to shoot off the heads of ducks on a pond, and hit a thrown card in mid-flight; He was a dashing rider, he retained this passion for a long time and several times almost paid with his life for furious horse riding. One day they were returning home with their brother and driving the horses as hard as they could. Suddenly the chancellor fell off his horse and hit his head on a stone on the highway. The horse got scared of the lantern and threw it off. Bismarck lost consciousness. When he came to his senses, something very strange happened to him. He examined the horse and found that the saddle was broken; He called the groom, got on his horse and went home. The dogs greeted him with barking, but he mistook them for strange dogs and got angry. Then he began to tell that his groom had fallen from his horse and that it was necessary to send a stretcher for him. When the brother made a sign that they should not follow the groom, he again became angry and asked: “Are we really going to leave this man there in a helpless state?” In a word, he mistook himself for a groom or the groom for himself. Then he asked for food, went to bed, and the next day he was completely healthy. Another time, also in a deep forest, far from home, he fell along with his horse and lost consciousness. He lay there like that for about three hours. When he finally woke up, he mounted his horse again and in the darkness reached the neighboring estate. Then the people were frightened when they saw a tall rider, whose whole face and hands were covered in blood. When the doctor examined him, he declared that it was contrary to all the rules of art not to break his neck from such a fall. He retained his passion for horse riding for a long time and subsequently broke three of his ribs when falling from a horse.

3. Ems dispatch

In achieving his goals, Bismarck did not disdain anything, even falsification. In a tense situation, when the throne became vacant in Spain after the revolution in 1870, William I’s nephew Leopold began to lay claim to it. The Spaniards themselves called the Prussian prince to the throne, but France intervened in the matter. Understanding Prussia's desire for European hegemony, the French made a lot of efforts to prevent this. Bismarck also made a lot of efforts to pit Prussia against France. Negotiations between the French ambassador Benedetti and William came to the conclusion that Prussia would not interfere in the affairs of the Spanish throne. The account of Benedetti's conversation with the king was reported from Ems by telegraph to Bismarck in Berlin. Having received assurances from the chief of the Prussian general staff, Moltke, that the army was ready for war, Bismarck decided to use the dispatch sent from Ems to provoke France. He changed the text of the message, shortening it and giving it a harsher tone that was insulting to France. In the new text of the dispatch, falsified by Bismarck, the end was composed as follows: “His Majesty the King then refused to receive the French ambassador again and ordered the adjutant on duty to tell him that His Majesty had nothing more to say.”
This text, offensive to France, was transmitted by Bismarck to the press and to all Prussian missions abroad and the next day became known in Paris. As Bismarck expected, Napoleon III immediately declared war on Prussia, which ended in the defeat of France.

4. Russian “nothing”

Bismarck continued to use Russian throughout his political career. Russian words slip into his letters every now and then. Having already become the head of the Prussian government, he even sometimes made resolutions on official documents in Russian: “Impossible” or “Caution.” But the Russian “nothing” became the favorite word of the “Iron Chancellor”. He admired its nuance and polysemy and often used it in private correspondence, for example: “Alles nothing.” One incident helped him penetrate into the secret of the Russian “nothing”. Bismarck hired a coachman, but doubted that his horses could go fast enough. "Nothing!" - answered the driver and rushed along the uneven road so briskly that Bismarck became worried: “You won’t throw me out?” "Nothing!" - answered the coachman. The sleigh overturned, and Bismarck flew into the snow, bleeding his face. In a rage, he swung a steel cane at the driver, and he grabbed a handful of snow with his hands to wipe Bismarck’s bloody face, and kept saying: “Nothing... nothing!” Subsequently, Bismarck ordered a ring from this cane with the inscription in Latin letters: “Nothing!” And he admitted that in difficult moments he felt relief, telling himself in Russian: “Nothing!” When the “Iron Chancellor” was reproached for being too soft towards Russia, he replied: “In Germany, I’m the only one who says “nothing!”, but in Russia the whole people say.”

5. Sausage duel

Rudolf Virchow, a Prussian scientist and opposition figure, was dissatisfied with the policies of Otto von Bismarck and the bloated military budget of Prussia. He began to research the typhus epidemic and came to the conclusion that no one was to blame for it, but Bismarck himself (overpopulation was caused by poverty, poverty by poor education, poor education by lack of funding and democracy).
Bismarck did not deny Virchow's theses. He simply challenged him to a duel. The duel took place, but Virchow prepared for it unconventionally. He chose sausages as his “weapon.” One of them was poisoned. The famous duelist Bismarck chose to refuse the duel, saying that heroes do not eat to death and canceled the duel.

6. Gorchakov’s student

It is traditionally believed that Alexander Gorchakov became a kind of “godfather” of Otto von Bismarck. There is a grain of wisdom in this opinion. Without the participation and help of Gorchakov, Bismarck would hardly have become what he became, but the role of Bismarck himself in his political formation cannot be underestimated. Bismarck met Alexander Gorchakov during his stay in St. Petersburg, where he was the Prussian envoy. The future “Iron Chancellor” was not very happy with his appointment, taking it for exile. He found himself far from “big politics,” although Otto’s ambitions told him that he was born precisely for this. In Russia, Bismarck was received favorably. Bismarck, as they knew in St. Petersburg, resisted with all his might during the Crimean War the mobilization of German armies for war with Russia. In addition, the courteous and educated fellow countryman was favored by the Dowager Empress, wife of Nicholas I and mother of Alexander II, née Princess Charlotte of Prussia. Bismarck was the only foreign diplomat who had close contact with the royal family. Work in Russia and communication with Gorchakov seriously influenced Bismarck, but Gorchakov’s diplomatic style was not adopted by Bismarck, he formed his own methods of foreign policy influence, and when the interests of Prussia diverged from the interests of Russia, Bismarck confidently defended Prussia’s positions. After the Berlin Congress, Bismarck broke up with Gorchakov.

7. Descendant of Rurikovich

Now it is not customary to remember this, but Otto von Bismarck was a descendant of the Rurikovichs. His distant relative was Anna Yaroslavovna. The call of Russian blood was fully manifested in Bismarck; he even had the opportunity to hunt a bear once. The “Iron Chancellor” knew and understood the Russians well. The famous phrases are attributed to him: “You should either play fairly with the Russians, or not play at all”; “The Russians take a long time to harness, but they travel quickly”; “The war between Germany and Russia is the greatest stupidity. That’s why it will definitely happen.”

8. “Was there Bismarck?”

Bismarck in Russia today is “more alive than all the living.” His quotes are scattered across the Internet, and numerous communities work on social networks. Such popularity becomes a reason for speculation. For ten years now, a “quote” from the Chancellor has been circulating on the Internet: “The power of Russia can only be undermined by the separation of Ukraine from it... it is necessary not only to tear off, but also to contrast Ukraine with Russia, to pit two parts of a single people against each other and watch how brother kills brother. To do this, you just need to find and cultivate traitors among the national elite and with their help change the self-awareness of one part of the great people to such an extent that they will hate everything Russian, hate their family, without realizing it. Everything else is a matter of time.” The idea is interesting, but it does not belong to Bismarck. This quote is not in his memoirs or in other reliable sources. A similar idea was expressed in 1926 in the Lvov magazine “Theology” by a certain Ivan Rudovich. In fact, Bismarck said something different about Russia: “Even the most favorable outcome of the war will never lead to the disintegration of the main strength of Russia. The Russians, even if they are dismembered by international treatises, will just as quickly reunite with each other, like particles of a cut piece of mercury. This is the indestructible state of the Russian nation, strong with its climate, its spaces and limited needs.”

About personality and deeds Otto von Bismarck There have been fierce debates for more than a century. Attitudes towards this figure varied depending on the historical era. It is said that in German school textbooks the assessment of Bismarck's role changed no less than six times.

Otto von Bismarck, 1826. Photo: www.globallookpress.com

It is not surprising that both in Germany itself and in the world as a whole, the real Otto von Bismarck gave way to myth. The myth of Bismarck describes him as a hero or a tyrant, depending on the political views of the myth-maker. The "Iron Chancellor" is often credited with words that he never uttered, while many of Bismarck's truly important historical sayings are little known.

Otto von Bismarck was born on April 1, 1815 into a family of small landed nobles from the Brandenburg province of Prussia. The Bismarcks were junkers - descendants of conquering knights who founded German settlements east of the Vistula, where Slavic tribes had previously lived.

Otto, even while studying at school, showed interest in the history of world politics, military and peaceful cooperation of various countries. The boy was going to choose the diplomatic path, as his parents wanted.

However, in his youth, Otto was not distinguished by diligence and discipline, preferring to spend a lot of time having fun with friends. This was especially evident during his university years, when the future chancellor not only took part in merry parties, but also regularly fought duels. Bismarck had 27 of these, and only one of them ended in failure for Otto - he was wounded, the trace of which remained in the form of a scar on his cheek for the rest of his life.

"Mad Junker"

After university, Otto von Bismarck tried to get a job in the diplomatic service, but was refused - his “rubbish” reputation took its toll. As a result, Otto got a government job in the city of Aachen, which had recently been incorporated into Prussia, but after the death of his mother he was forced to take up the management of his own estates.

Here Bismarck, to the considerable surprise of those who knew him in his youth, showed prudence, showed excellent knowledge in economic matters and turned out to be a very successful and zealous owner.

But his youthful habits did not go away completely - the neighbors with whom he clashed gave Otto his first nickname, “Mad Junker.”

The dream of a political career began to be realized in 1847, when Otto von Bismarck became a deputy of the United Landtag of the Kingdom of Prussia.

The middle of the 19th century was a time of revolutions in Europe. Liberals and socialists sought to expand the rights and freedoms enshrined in the Constitution.

Against this background, the appearance of a young politician, extremely conservative, but at the same time possessing undoubted oratorical skills, was a complete surprise.

The revolutionaries greeted Bismarck with hostility, but those around the Prussian king noted an interesting politician who could benefit the crown in the future.

Mr. Ambassador

When the revolutionary winds in Europe died down, Bismarck's dream finally came true - he found himself in the diplomatic service. The main goal of Prussian foreign policy, according to Bismarck, during this period should have been to strengthen the country’s position as a center for the unification of German lands and free cities. The main obstacle to the implementation of such plans was Austria, which also sought to take control of German lands.

That is why Bismarck believed that Prussia’s policy in Europe should be based on the need to help weaken the role of Austria through various alliances.

In 1857, Otto von Bismarck was appointed Prussian ambassador to Russia. The years of work in St. Petersburg greatly affected Bismarck's subsequent attitude towards Russia. He was closely acquainted with the Vice-Chancellor Alexander Gorchakov, who extremely highly appreciated Bismarck's diplomatic talents.

Unlike many foreign diplomats of the past and present working in Russia, Otto von Bismarck not only mastered the Russian language, but managed to understand the character and mentality of the people. It was from his time working in St. Petersburg that Bismarck’s famous warning would come out about the inadmissibility of a war with Russia for Germany, which would inevitably have disastrous consequences for the Germans themselves.

A new round of Otto von Bismarck’s career occurred after he ascended the Prussian throne in 1861. William I.

The ensuing constitutional crisis, caused by disagreements between the king and the Landtag over the issue of expanding the military budget, forced William I to look for a figure capable of carrying out state policy with a “hard hand.”

Otto von Bismarck, who by that time held the post of Prussian ambassador to France, became such a figure.

Empire according to Bismarck

Bismarck's extremely conservative views made even Wilhelm I himself doubt such a choice. Nevertheless, on September 23, 1862, Otto von Bismarck was appointed head of the Prussian government.

In one of his first speeches, to the horror of liberals, Bismarck proclaimed the idea of ​​​​unifying the German lands around Prussia “with iron and blood.”

In 1864, Prussia and Austria became allies in a war with Denmark over the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. Success in this war greatly strengthened Prussia's position among the German states.

In 1866, the confrontation between Prussia and Austria for influence on the German states reached its climax and resulted in a war in which Italy took the side of Prussia.

The war ended with the crushing defeat of Austria, which finally lost its influence. As a result, in 1867, a federal entity, the North German Confederation, led by Prussia, was created.

Photo: www.globallookpress.com

The final completion of the unification of Germany was possible only with the annexation of the South German states, which France sharply opposed.

If Bismarck managed to resolve the issue diplomatically with Russia, concerned about the strengthening of Prussia, then the French emperor Napoleon III was determined to stop the creation of a new empire by armed means.

The Franco-Prussian War, which broke out in 1870, ended in complete disaster both for France and for Napoleon III himself, who was captured after the battle of Sedan.

The last obstacle was removed, and on January 18, 1871, Otto von Bismarck proclaimed the creation of the Second Reich (German Empire), of which Wilhelm I became Kaiser.

January 1871 was Bismarck's main triumph.

The Prophet is not in his Fatherland...

His further activities were aimed at containing internal and external threats. By internal, the conservative Bismarck meant strengthening the positions of the Social Democrats, by external - attempts at revenge on the part of France and Austria, as well as other European countries that had joined them, fearing the strengthening of the German Empire.

The foreign policy of the “Iron Chancellor” went down in history as the “Bismarck system of alliances.”

The main objective of the agreements was to prevent the creation in Europe of powerful anti-German alliances that would threaten the new empire with a war on two fronts.

Bismarck managed to successfully achieve this goal until his resignation, but his cautious policy began to irritate the German elite. The new empire wanted to take part in the redivision of the world, for which it was ready to fight with everyone.

Bismarck declared that as long as he was chancellor there would be no colonial policy in Germany. However, even before his resignation, the first German colonies appeared in Africa and the Pacific Ocean, which indicated the decline of Bismarck's influence in Germany.

The “Iron Chancellor” was beginning to interfere with the new generation of politicians who no longer dreamed of a united Germany, but of world domination.

The year 1888 went down in German history as the “year of the three emperors.” After the death of 90-year-old Wilhelm I and his son, Frederick III, who suffered from throat cancer, 29-year-old Wilhelm II, grandson of the first emperor of the Second Reich, ascended the throne.

At that time, no one knew that Wilhelm II, having rejected all the advice and warnings of Bismarck, would drag Germany into the First World War, which would put an end to the empire created by the “Iron Chancellor.”

In March 1890, 75-year-old Bismarck was sent to honor. his final resignation, and with him the policies he pursued also resigned. Just a few months later, Bismarck's main nightmare came true - France and Russia entered into a military alliance, which England then joined.

The “Iron Chancellor” passed away in 1898, without seeing Germany rushing at full speed towards a suicidal war. The name of Bismarck both during the First World War and at the beginning of the Second World War would be actively used in Germany for propaganda purposes.

But his warnings about the destructiveness of the war with Russia, about the nightmare of a “war on two fronts,” will remain unclaimed.

The Germans paid a very high price for such selective memory regarding Bismarck.